History of Clonmel

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FRow run

HUNTINGTON VVOLCOn^ FUND

E«-ubtl8hed in 1S91 by EoG«ti Wolcoit (H,U, 1870)1 in

mnnfff? of hii ^Cher, for '*tht purchast of books of

petTtiiinciit vHitie, the prercren<:e £0 tw given to

works uf History, Political Hconomj* 4nd

Sociojogy^" and Increased in 1901 by

a bequest tn his will*

Policies Issued by the

Hartford Fire Insurance Co.

AGRICULTURAL MACHIN-KRV - AtrrOMOBILE —
AVIATION — BUSINESS INTERRUPTION - CAMERAS

- CONTRACTORVS EQUIFMENT - CUSTOMERS*
GOODS - EARTHQUARE - EXPLOSION — FARM ^
EINE ARTS — FlItE — FUR — HAIL — JEWELRY —
LIVE STOCK — LIGHTNING ^ MARINE {HULL ANI>
CARCOl - MERCHANDISE IN TRANSIT (BY LAND,
WATKR, OR AIR) — MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
PARCEL POST — PERSONAL EFFECTS - PROFITS

— RAIN — REGISTERED MA|L " RENT — RIOT AND
CrVIL COMMOTION - s^. ^^SMFN'S SAMFLj

SPORTSMEN'S - SPRJNK I "

LIVE S^OCK - WINOJITOr

Agents En

U,(fil, IVl-^V>/^l«»-V/(iV-'V^^'/

Lou\ruy^

BY
REV. WILLIAM P. BURKE.

Winitvfoxh:
Printed by N. Harvey & Co.

FOR THE CLONMEL LIBRARY COMMITTEE.
1907.

^^/J-^/AJ-Z

PREFACE

JN presenting to the Subscribers the HISTORY OF ClONMEL, the Editor
feels that an apology is due for the long delay — nearly five years, since the
prospectus was issued. During three of these, unforeseen events interrupted
the work, and indeed, separated him from reading altogether. But the delay was
not without some advantage. Extended inquiries were made for original mater-
ial, in particular for the "Annals of Clonmel," which existed in the time of
Sir James Ware,* The old corporation books were also sought for. Though
little was discovered, one is thereby enabled to go to press with the assurance
that the ''History of Clonmel" is as complete as it is now possible to make it.

Those who are acquainted with the works of Gilbert, Hardiman, Caulfield
and others, will miss in the earlier chapters that minute detail, those old-world
pictures of burgher life which give local histories most of their value and all
their charm. But in extenuation, it is to be observed that the present work
was gathered exclusively from outside and public sources. The early municipal
records which form the basis of the history of Dublin, Galway or Waterford,
are here altogether wanting- There is not a charter preserved, and scarcely a
deed as old as the seventeenth century. The oldest minute book does not go
beyond 1744, and even then it is, for a century, a mere catalogue of names.
There are no parish records. Family papers which elsewhere afford such valuable
material, are inaccessible or not existing. So that the past of the town could be
reconstructed only by painful gleaning in the Dublin Record Office, the Royal
Irish Academy and the Bodleian Library.

Among those who co-operated, special acknowledgment is due to Mr, J, F,
Morrissey, of H,M, Public Record Office, himself a native of Clonmel, who
furnished no fewer than one hundred and fifty folios of transcripts from the
Pipe Rolls, Quit Rent records. Wills and Commonwealth Books, From
Mr, Frederick /. Quinn, besides advice on many points, was obtained the
Vaughan-Ryall Ledger (1680-1707), Mr. John F. O'Brien gave much infor-
mation upon the corporate estate, tolls and the like. Among the other members
of the Library Committee it will not be invidious to name Mr. James White,
To him indeed, to his public spirit and generous labours, it is mainly due that
the book has been undertaken at all,

WILLIAM P. BURKE.
St, Marysville, Cahir,

25th May, 1907.

• "An intention there was not long since by Sir James Ley Knight to have published some of
our country' writers, for which end he caused to be transcribed and made fit for the Presse, the
Annales of John Clynne, the Annales of the Priory of St. John the Evangelist of Kilkenny, and the
Annales of Multifernan, Rosse and Clonmell. But his weighty occasions did afterwards divert his
purpose." — Preface to Campion's History by Sir James Ware, Dublin, 1633.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I. Page.

Introductory ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... i

CHAPTER II.
Feudal Clonmel ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 6

CHAPTER III.

Clonmel in the Sixteenth Century ... ... ... ... ... 21

CHAPTER IV.
Clonmel, 1603-1641 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 42

CHAPTER V.
War of 1641, and Siege by Cromwell ... ... ... ... ... 60

CHAPTER VI.
Clonmel during the Commonwealth ... ... ... ... ... 80

CHAPTER VIL
From the Restoration to the Revolution ... ... ... ... 95

CHAPTER VIII.
Clonmel in the Eighteenth Century ... ... ... ... ... 112

CHAPTER IX.

Clonmel in the Eighteenth Century (continued) ... ... ... 136

CHAPTER X.

Clonmel in the Nineteenth Century ... ... ... ... • •• i74

CHAPTER XL

Corporation ... ... ... ... ... •• ••• ••• 214

Contents— continued. V.

CHAPTER XII. Page.

Cromwellian Surveys, &c. ... ... ... ... ... ... 238

CHAPTER Xm.
St. Mary's Church ... ... ...• ... ... ... ... 263

CHAPTER XIV.
The Franciscan House... ... ... ... ... ... ... 299

CHAPTER XV.

Parliamentary Representatives ... ... ... ... .314

CHAPTER XVI.
Clonmel Wills ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 324

CHAPTER XVIL
Printing AND Journalism ... ... ... ... ... ... 346

CHAPTER XVIII.
Father Sheehy ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 361

CHAPTER XIX.
The Abbey of Innislounaght ... ... ... ... ... ... 406

CHAPTER XX.
Donoughmore ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 417

CHAPTER XXI.
The Palatinate of Tipper ary ... ... ... ... ... ... 424

CHAPTER XXII.
Census OF IFFA AND Offa, 1659... ... ... ... ... ... 444

CHAPTER XXIII.
Clonmel Notabilities ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 457

Index of Subjects ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 499

General Index ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 507

List of the Original Subscribers ... ... .. ... ... 520

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page.

View of Clonmel ...

Frontispiece

Remains of Town Wall ...

...

16-17

Parnell Street

56-7

Main Guard

167-8

O'Connkll Street ...

172-3

Bank Note of Riall's Bank. 1804 ...

...

190-I

Quay

196-7

Corporation Regalia

235-^

St. Mary's Protestant Church ...

264-5

White's Altar Tomb

269-70

Chancel Window, Old St. Mary's

...

272-3

St. Mary's Catholic Church

280-81

Tomb of the Lords of Cahir

302-3

Tomb of John White, First Mayor of

Clonmel ...

343-4

Oh AFTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

CHE district of Cionmei in the beginning of documentary history was
inhabited by a Celtic tribe who bore the name of the Deisi.
Traces of an older people, probably non- Aryan, exist in some place
names, those especially of prominent natural features, such as
rivers and mountains /'^/A But whence this older race or races were, and
what influences economic, customary or religious, they exercised on the
Celtic Deisi cannot be determined at the present stage of ethnological
inquiry /'W. The story which the Deisi told of themselves was this: they
originally occupied a territory in Meath, now the barony of Deece, and
were descended from a common ancestor, Fiacha Suidhe, brother of Con
of the Hundred Battles who in the second century of the Christian era was
monarch of Ireland. About the year 278 having attempted to place their
chief, Aongus on the throne, they were defeated and driven into Munster,
where Olioll Olum, king of that province settled them in the present County
of Waterford. Increasing in power and numbers they passed the Suir
towards the end of the fifth century, and drove the Ossorians out of the
district north of the river which henceforward was known as Deise
Tuaisceart or North Deise. Such, cleared of preternatural accretions, was
the traditional account (c). Whatever truth it may contain, it is to be noted
that the aboriginal name of the locality W1a$ femtn ran with the Celtic
Deise Tuaisceart far into the historic period and the inference is that neither
Ossorians nor Deisi supplanted the older race but simply conquered and
coalesced with them.

(a) For example : Liiij^aii, Clodaj^h, Mahon. Suir. But Rev. Dr. Hcncbry informs me that in the
canton ol" Lu/ern, Switzerland, there is a small river called the Sur which empties into the Sursee.

(h) Professor Rhys, of O.xford, is of opinion that Druidism bespeaks a non-Aryan oriji^in.

(c) Keatinj^, O' Flaherty, O'Heerin passim. The earliest narrative of these events is in the
Bodleian (Laud 610, fol. 99) the language is middle Irish.

B

2 History of Clonmel.

From the introduction of Christianity onward the evidence becomes
more reliable. It is probable that the Gospel was preached in the district by
St. Patrick himself. The localities Ballypatrick and Glasspatrick preserve
his name ; three ancient churches, Kiltagan, Killerk, and Kilmaloge, preserve
those of his immediate disciples, while Donoughmore has from the earliest
times been regarded as a Patrician foundation (d). In the tenth and eleventh
centuries many traditions of the saint's visit to the Deisi were current, some
of them fortunately finding their way into recognized biography. The
Tripartite life has a very circumstantial account.

Patrick then went into the southern Desi and set about building a church in Ard
Patrick; and Lec-Patrick is there and the marks of his church, Derball son of Aedh
opposed him, Derball said to Patrick, " If you would remove that mountain there so
that I could see Loch Lunga across it to the south, in Fera Maigh Feine [Fermoy
barony] I would believe." Cenn Abhrat is the name of the mountain and Belach
Legtha the name of the pass which was melted there. When the mountain began to
dissolve Derball said that whatever he (Patrick) did would be of no use. Patrick said to
Derball, "There shall be no king nor bishop of your family and it will be permitted to
the men of Munster to plunder you all every seventh year for ever as bare as a leek."

As Patrick was in the district of the Desi awaiting the King of the country —
Fergair the son of Rossa, Patrick said to him after his arrival, " How slowly you come"!
" The country is rough " (said he), " Quite true," said Patrick. " There shall be no King
from you for ever." "What delayed you to-day"? asked Patrick, "The rain delayed us,"
said the King. "Your meetings shall be showery for ever," said Patrick. Patrick's well
is there and also the church of MacClairidh one of Patrick's people. And assemblies
are not held by the Desi except at night because Patrick left that sentence upon them
for it was towards night they went to him. Patrick then cursed the streams of that
place because his books were drowned in them and the fishermen gave his people a
refusal. Patrick said that they would not be fruitful notwithstanding their great
profusion up to that time and that there would never be any mills upon them except
the mills of strangers. He blessed the Suir moreover and the country around and it is
fruitful in fish except the places where those streams (glaise) flow into it (e)

Another tradition of the eleventh century, to which the scholarship of
Ussher has given undue prominence, was that St. Declan preached to the
Deisi before the coming of St. Patrick. That there were isolated Christians
in the South of Ireland is almost certain, considering the close proximity of
the Christian communities of Wales and Cornwall, but that St. Patrick

(d) Glasspatrick now Glen Patrick was a distinct parish as late as the Down Survey, 1654. A
rude stone chalice, long an object of popular veneration in Ballypatrick, is now in possession of Rev.
P. Power, of Waterford.

(e) Hennessy and others have identified this Deisi with " Deisbeag," a district lying around
Bruff ; the truth seems to be that the Tripartite is a redaction of older lives — such as the one
in the Book of Armagh — nt^de by some one imperfectly acquainted with Munster topography. Not
to speak of " Patrick's Well " with its extremely ancient Celtic cross, the names Lec-Patrick, Belach-
Legtha, Cille MacClairidh, are all discoverable in South Tipperary. The monk Jocelyn, who wrote
in the 12th century, makes Lec-Patrick the coronation stone of the Munster Kings on the Rock of
Cashel (Ed. Messingham p. 35, Paris, 1624). Belach-Legtha seems to be the very remarkable pass
in the Knockmeldown mountains now known as Bay Lough : a Bealanlogh in Co. Tipperary is
found in a Piant of Elizabeth dated 1587. Cille Mac Clairidh is possibly Kilmoclear, north of Carrick.
These localities may have been confused with Ardpatrick and Singland, in< Co. Limerick, by the
compiler of the Tripartite.

History of Clonmel. 3

found a Christian tribe and a regularly constituted diocese under the rule
of St. Declan as the old legend of that saint relates, cannot now be
maintained. At whatever time converted, it is clear that by the middle of
the seventh century the whole population of the Deisi had embraced the
Christian religion ; not only so, but with a fervour and an enthusiasm that led
them to imitate the extreme asceticism of the East. Some such as St, Aidan
of Bollendesert and St. Declan of Ardmore, retired into desert places after the
manner of St. Anthony and St. Pachomius. Others as St. Cuan at Mothel,
and St. Carthage of Lismore, set up religious communities, living together in
stone cells or houses of wattle and cultivating the learning of the time.
Others again fired with an indomitable missionary spirit carried their faith
to the continent, and we hear of two great Deisi saints as wide asunder as
Liege and Otranto. St. Farannan of Donoughmore is venerated as the founder
of the abbey and town of Waser on the Meuse; while St. Cathaldus of
Lismore is held in honour in the old Greek city of Tarentum at the extreme
heel of Italy, In their pedigrees like the modern Spaniards, the Deisi were
proud to emblazon the names of their saints, and we read in MacFirbisigh of
St. Colman of Kilcash, St. Ronan of Kilronan, St. Ultan of Maghnidh, and
others. The death of a notable ecclesiastic was recorded by the chroniclers
with equal care to that of the chief himself. More curious still it is to read
amid the annals of savage warfare how men retired to Lismore-Mochuda
and in the quaint language of the annalist put themselves under the direction
of a " soul-friend " and died there " after the victory of penance." But only
in asceticism did the Deisi copy the Eastern church ; an incident related by
St. Bernard affords evidence of extraordinary religious tolerance. A cleric
of Lismore denied the Real Presence. Being prosecuted by the laity before
a meeting of the clergy he had permission granted him to defend his views.
He stoutly maintained against St. Malachy who was present, that he had
reason and truth on his side while on the other was the mere ipse dixit of the
primate. Furthermore he accused the saint of dishonestly speaking against
his real convictions. Yet we learn that the assembly merely declared him
anathema and left him to the judgment of God. (f)

Civilization went hand in hand with religion. It is often taken for
granted that the Irish previous to the Anglo-Norman invasion, were little
better than savages, and the murderous tribal warfare recorded in the annals
is put in evidence. The truth is that in the fine arts as probably also in the
useful ones they were far in advance of the English of the same period.
The Lismore crozier apart from its artistic value bespeaks long experience

(f) Life of St. Malachy by St. Bernard. Messingham, Paris, 1624, p. 368-9.

4 History of Clonmel.

and great skill in the working of metals. The old church of Donoughmore
may be instructively compared with contemporary ones in England such as
Bradford-on-Avon. The clean cut ashlar of the windows together with the
exquisite Hiberno-classic detail is removed from the barbaric English
Romanesque by a whole cycle, (g)

The most important epoch in the history of the Deisi from their conversion
to the twelfth century was the invasion of the Danes. Their first appearance
in the locality was in 864 when their fleet on the Blackwater was defeated
and the fortified camp at Youghal, destroyed. The next year the Deisi were
again victorious, Grimhbeolu, "chief of the foreigners of Cork," being slain.
During the following century and a half, despite many reverses, the Danes
continued steadily to arrive. From the harbours they penetrated inland in
their flat bottomed boats and having raided the monasteries and chieftains*
strongholds swiftly disappeared again. Yet in the wake of the freebooters
many came to trade and settle. Tradition credits them with being the
builders of forts, bridges and even round towers. This much is certain that
they were the founders of the great maritime cities and probably of some of
the towns on navigable rivers also. There they carried on considerable trade,
importing large quantities of wine from Poitou and exporting ox hides and
other skins (h). Not having brought wives they interjnarrled with the Irish,
and so came in the next generation to profess the Christian religion.
Politically too they were soon identified with the Irish ; they took a part in
the tribal wars, and at Clontarf some of them fought on the Irish side, while
on the other hand some Irish fought with them. When the Danish community
of Waterford petitioned for a bishop, the petition went naturally in the name
of the Irish king (i). By the time that the Anglo-Normans arrived the North-
men and the native Deisi were almost completely fused. We meet with such
names as 'Heverbric' (Ivar O'Brick), *Ragnal O'Rigbardain ' (Reginald
0*Riordan), 'Imari O'Cathal' (Ivar O'Cahill) and others (j). The most
notable occupant of the See of Lismore from St. Carthage down, was the
Dano-Irish Gillechriost O'Connary, better known as Christianus, while in the
defence of Waterford against Strongbow the leading part was taken by
Malachy OThelan, chief of the Deisi.

It is to the Danes that we are to look for the first beginnings of Clonmel.
Making their way up the Suir to its navigable limit, the islands in the river

(^) Appendix.

(h) " Foreign commerce supplies it with wine in such plenty that the want of the jjrowlh 01" vines
is scarcely felt. Poitou out of its superabundance ex|X)rts vast quantities of wine to Ireland which
willinj^ly gives in return its ox hides and the skins of cattle and wild beasts." Giraldus Cambrcnsis,
p. 2\. Bohn's Translation.

(i) L'ssher, SvHoge, Dublin, 1632. (j) Annals of Innisfallen 1 170, and State Papers.

History of Clonmel. 5

aflforded a position to hold their stocks and carry on their barter with
absolute security. The home of the OThelans, Greenane, was close by, and
with them as chiefs of the district the principal exchange of wine, iron, arms,
and personal ornament would naturally be made. Tradition indeed has
constantly traced the origin of Clonmpl to the Danes. The compiler of the
Tripartite Life in the eleventh century speaks of the mills of the " foreigners "
there. Without entering the region of mere speculation a few vestiges of the
Danish settlement may be traced. The highest elevation of the old town,
about one hundred yards west of the Main Guard, has always been pointed
to as the site of the Castle of Clonmel (k). Lower down, the level land along
the river now occupied by the eastern section of the town was known as late
as a century ago as the "Green." From what we know of Scandinavian
settlements elsewhere, we can have no difficulty in recognising the fort-
crowned hill as the ancient "Thingmote," while along the foot of it was the
unmistakably Danish "Green" or place of assembly. As illustrating the
abiding character of legal institutions amid political disturbance, it may be
observed that down to the beginning of the seventeenth century inquisitions
were held and cases adjudicated on the Green. But the settlement of the
Danes seems to have been of small importance. Girald Barry who visited
Ireland in II84 describes the Suir as flowing through Ardfinnan and Tibarach
(a hamlet below Kilsheelan now forgotten) to the sea ; there is no mention of
Clonmel (l).

fk) Sec note iti/ru.

(I) The name of Clonmel so obviously inteliij^ihle to the Irish sixraker does not prove so easy on
closer investigation. If it were discoverable in the ancient annals the question would lie at once set
at rest, but it occurs at the earliest only in 17th century documents, -Keating and the Four Masters.
Shaw Mason's " Statistical Survey " of Clonmel in the P.K.O., gives the popular tradition.

'* Clonmel derived from Irish Clu^m a retreat and mcAlA honey which Burke (De Burgo,
Hibernia Dominicana) translates " Secessus Mellis." When it got this name not clearly known,
many suppose from fertility of soil and richness of country in which it is situate. The inhabitants
have among them the following tradition. I/Oiig before the inhabitants of this country were
converted to Christianity the site of this town being all an uncultivated tract of land on both sides of
the Suir some of the aborigines intended to build a large castle, and like the antient Greeks and
Romans they undertook nothing of importance without some kind of omen. Taking a large swarm of
bees for their guides which they accidentally met, they determined to build wherever the wandering
insects first settled. Accordingly they erected a castle and called it CluAin Ule^lA which name it
always retained till it was lately [circa 18 10] thrown down by Mr. John Harvey to the rear of whose
house in the Main Street and directly opposite Flag Lane it stood."

Though the 17th century authorities give CluAin me-AlA there are very strong reasons for
doubting the etymology. The careful inquirer will hear the older townsfolk who are uninfluenced
by literary tradition pronounce " Clomell " (accent on sejond syllable). Kickham who reproduced
dialect peculiarities with absolute fidelity makes Phil Lsihy in " Knocknagow " state " 'Twas the
corn med a town of Clomell." Now this is supported by the earliest forms of the name in state
papers and other public records. We find ' Clumell ' (1215), 'Clomele' (1243), 'Clomele' (1268),
Clomeil' (1291), 'Clomer (1302), 'Clomell' (1381), ' Clomel' (1429). This would point to the old
Irish Ctiu met. The word Cltti means a portion or division and is often used in connection with
land in the early MSS. The other word may be a proper name, and it is to be noted that the Deisi
pedigree contains the name melt, daughter of Ercbran, who became wife of Crimthan, King of
Ui Cinnselagh. So that the true interpretation of Cloinnel may be *' Mell's Lot " rather than
" Honeyvale." The later form of the name took shape as the significance of the former was
forgotten. Just as in H.M. navy the ship Bdlcrophon is known by the more intelligible " Billy Kufifian."

Ohapxe^r II.

FEUDAL CLONMEL,

JT is one of the commonplaces of Irish history that at the time of the
English invasion, the whole country was parcelled out among the
Anglo-Norman adventurers and that, so far as the power and law of
England could effect it, the Irish dominion of the land ceased, " All
Ireland," writes Sir John Davis, "was cantonized among ten persons of the
English nation "; and he gives the interesting detail that " Otto de Grandison
obtained a grant of all Tipperary " (m). Yet this statement sanctioned as it
is even by original inquirers such as Prendergast and Richey is altogether
wide of the facts (n). To take a few local instances. In 1204 Donal OThelan
son of the defender of Waterford against Strongbow, still held the
"province" of Dungarvan with two other cantreds in Waterford. Forty
years later his son Ros OThelan, together with Murrough O'Brien of Aherlow,
and Richard MacCormacan of the Deisi, as independent chiefs were invited
by Henry III. to help in the war against the Scots (0). And so far from
Otto de Grandison being granted all Tipperary, the truth is that personage
did not arrive in Ireland for a full century subsequent to the invasion and
then received only a portion of the Burgh estates in that county. Though
the records of Henry II. and John are in great part lost, the Pipe rolls of
Edward I. enable us to form a tolerable notion of the Anglo-Norman
settlement of Tipperary. For the sheriffs of the county, John de Coventry

(lu) A Discovery of the True Causes VVhy Ireland was never Subdued — London 16 13.
(u) Cromwellian Settlement 2 Ed. p. 17. Lectures on Irish History, First Series, 13*6 scq.
(o) Slate Papers, Sweetnian, pp. 34, 405.

\

History of Clonmel. 7

and Maurice Le Bret, in the years 1275-6 returned in their accounts the rents
paid to the King by the tenants in capite. Now these rents were paid in the
names not of the tenants then living, but in those of the original grantees or
their immediate descendants.

From the rolls therefore it appears that in the beginning of the thirteenth
century the southern boundary of the county was formed by the Suir as far
as Cahir, and thence by the Galtees. East and north the boundaries were
substantially as at present, but westwards the county included some three of
the present baronies of Limerick and extended to within a few miles of that
city. Upon this territory were set down twenty-two feudarii or tenants
holding immediately of the King, and about six times that number of sub-
feudarii. The Irish for the most part were left undisturbed. We hear only
of the O'Mearas driven into North Tipperary from the rich lands of lifa and
OfFa (p). The O'Neills of Ballyneale, the O'Lonergans of Cahir, the Quirkes
of Clanwilliam, the Ryans of Owney, the Fogartys of Ely, the Meaghers of
Ikerrin and several smaller septs, still lived on the lands as they had
probably done since the time of Christ. The Anglo-Norman baron or
tenant in capite built his mound, erected a stockade, surrounded himself with
his free tenants and demanded tribute which the Irish paid when he was
strong enough to enforce it (q). The twenty-two baronial feuds were created
at different times and were of very unequal extent. A list of them drawn up
about 1240 with the services payable to the King in time of war, is found in
the Pipe rolls. Though not invariably, the services were generally
proportioned to the value and extent of the lands conveyed,

" From Richard de Burgh, XVII Knights' services, a half and a third.

From Theobald Butler, XXII services.

From the Lady Moyalwy [Moyaliff], II services.

From William of Worcester, IX services, a half.

From the heirs of Hugh de Lega of Ustnachteg, I service.

From John Butler, I service.

From William de Canvyl, II services.

From Walter de Burgh, I service.

From Richard Fitz William, a half service.

(t>) *' O'Meara who is a j(oodly prince

The chief of Hy Faha" — O'Heerin Topographical Poem.

(q) An inquisition on the lands, etc., of Richard de Burgh son of William, in 1243 found that
of his manor of Kilsheetan only 2\ plowlands were held in demesne, while the Irish, O'Neills and
the rest, held 23 plowlands for which they paid a tribute of £2% a year. The original Norman
" castles " were of wood raised on an artificial mound of earth. About 1214 when Murrough
O'Brien invaded Ormond and Ely O'Carroll " the King's Council commenced fortifying a castle in
the vill of Koscrea by erecting a mote and a wooden tower." — State Papers, Sweetman I., p. 412.
The mote at Kilsheelan is very perfect, those at Tibroughney and Knockgraffon still more so.

8 History of Clonmel.

From Robert Comyn, a half service.

From Gilbert English, I service.

From Walter Bret, I service.

From John Kent, a quarter of a service.

From Gilbert Canute, an eight of a service.

From Richard Cosyn, a quarter of a service.

From Thomas Cosin, one third of a quarter of a service.

From Robert Racket, one service.

From William Bret, one service.

From Matilda de Ledene, a half service.

From Thomas White, a half service.

From John de Cranill, a quarter of a service.

From Alexander Stokes, a (juartcr of a service " (r).
It will be observed that out of the sixty two and a half knight services,
forty-eight were rendered by three barons, De Burgh, Lc Butler and
De Worcester. De Burgh was son of William FitzAdelm, lord lieutenant
under Henry II., a man according to Cambrensis, conspicuous among his
fellow adventurers for covetousness and ambition. FitzAdelm as the earliest
grantee obtained the choice lands of that county, the 'Golden Vale' from
Cashel to Limerick, and the alluvial district from Clonmel to Carrick. The
ruins of Athassel, the largest of Irish abbeys, where he and his sons down
to the Red Earl of Ulster lie buried, still witness to his magnificence. The
junior branches of his family became more Irish than the Irish themselves,
and as the "Clan William" held sway in the baronies which bear their
name in Tipperary and Limerick, down to the time of Elizabeth. More
extensive though not so fertile was the district granted to Theobald Butler
in 1200. It included the five baronies of Ely O'Carrol, Eliogarthy, Owney
and Arra, Owney O'Callaghan, Owney O'Heflfernan and the half barony of
Killaloe (s). The third of the great feuds was created in favour of Philip of
Worcester, uncle of William, whose name appears on the roll. It embraced
the baronies of Slievardagh, Comsey, Owney Cashel (now Middlethird),
Ardfinnan and Muskerry Quirke, the head or baronial castles being
Knockgraffon, Ardmayle and Kiltinan (i). These three great feudarii created
numerous sub-infeudations. Under the Butlers were the Purcells, Graces
(Le Gros), Morrises (De Monte Marisco), Boy tons, Fannings, and others. The

(r) Pipe n»l! 3 & 4 Kcl. I. The TipiHrrjiry i^orlioii occupies 40 pa^^es f«M»lscap in ihe traiiNcript
made by Mr. T. F. Morrissy. Pub. Kec. OlVice. Kxcept lor names and adininistrative detail it is tnilv
valuable as showing tlial the leudal settlement' of Tipperary by the Ani^lo-Xorniaiis was very
thoroiij^h.

(s) Carle's Ormoiid, .vviii.

(t) Grant, 6 July, 1215. State Pa|x;rs, Swcetman.

History of Clonmel. 9

Worcesters, and their inheritors the De Berminghams, had as under tenants
the De Ketings, St Johns, Mocklers (Mauclerc), Tobins (St. Aubyn),
Mandevilles, Heneberys (De Inteberge) and Prendergasts.

Having settled on their allotments the Anglo-Normans proceeded to
open communications through the county. The two approaches into
Tipperary were the ** tougher" in the bog of Ely east of Thurles, and the
passage from South Ossory by Mullinahone. The former was guarded by
the castle of Adlongport (Longford Pass) held by Elias FitzNorman. In
1242 Maurice FitzGeraJd, justiciary, was ordered to cut down the wood of
Thomas St. Aubyn in the pass of Comsy, between Fethard and the marches
of Ossory, " that a safe way might be opened for merchants and wayfarers,
the King having heard that many persons peaceably passing there had been
killed and others robbed " (11), Southwards the great road between Cashel
and Lismore was protected at the ford of Ardfinnan by the Knights
Hospitallers settled there. The communication with Limerick by the wooden
bridge at Ballindrehid was maintained by the neighbouring castle of Knock-
graflfon. Many of these Anglo-Norman roads are still traceable with the aid
of the ordnance maps, and it will be found that in nearly all cases they
follow the line of the old castles. Communications being established, the
new settlers obtained charters for holding fairs in certain districts, and in
some instances founded municipal communities. If we had not the evidence
of the public records it would be difficult to believe that such places as
Athassel, Ardfinnan and Lisronagh were once corporate towns. Yet in
1293 the commonalty of Athassel with their provost Roger Thuberville were
fined for trespass. Edward II. in 1 31 1 at the instance of the Bishop of
Lismore granted bridge toll to the " bailiffs and good men of Ardfynan,"
while Henry IV. granted to the provost and commons of Lisronagh exemption
from taxes "for the building and rehabilitation of their town burnt by the
FitzGeralds " (v).

Throughout the thirteenth century the feudal system was maintained
unbroken. The King's officers, sheriffs, escheators and coroners were
regularly appointed and the baronial and manor courts were in full
operation. The accounts in the Pipe rolls exhibit the profits of the King's
courts, fines, reliefs, marriage compositions, scutage payments, escheats,
down to the smallest detail. The dull routine of the figures is occasionally
relieved by such items as [1254] "£3 14s. od. fine to be levied on the town
of Cashel for the escape of a thief from the parish church [where he had
been kept] for want of a prison.'Ytyy. In the same year a thief took

(n) State Papers, Sweetman, p. 385. (%^} Pipe Rolls Ed. I. Patent Rolls Ed. II. & Hen. IV.

(w) Account of William de Waylande, Sheriff of Tipperary, 39 Hen. III.

10 History of Clonmel.

sanctuary in the church of Ardfinnan; several persons who should have
kept watch on, and arrested him when leaving, were fined for his escape.
In 1275 David, Archbishop of Cashel, accounted for 125 marks out of the
goods of Reginald Maccot a usurer ^jrA Henry of Kilsheelan was fined for
selling wine contrary to the assize (legal price), while several were fined for
false weights and measures. So exhaustive indeed are the particulars, that
the few fragments of the rolls of Henry III. and Edward I. surviving, are
enough to show that the Anglo-Norman settlement of Tipperary was
thorough and complete. But the feudal system in Ireland laboured under
some fatal defects. At the head stood the justiciary representing the King.
Often selected from one of the eight or so ruling families, that functionary
instead of being the controlling power and the bond of peace, became a
mere centre of intrigue and conflict. Occasionally but worse still, some
adventurer climbed into the position, only to use it for traffic in the King's
justice and King's patronage. Such a man was Stephen de Fulburne,
Bishop of Waterford, who was appointed justiciary in 1 282. " Hardly any
one" it was said "can hold office, or be sheriif, or constable of a castle
unless he gives or sells land to the justiciary or bestows on him half the
fees. Take the case of Walter Uncle [sheriflf] and the proceeds of the
Co. Tipperary. He every year gives more in horses to the justiciary than
the whole proceeds for which he is accountable to the King." (y) How the
sheriff" recouped himself we learn from a petition of the Tipperary
freeholders to King Edward I. in 1290. Following the example of the
neighbouring Irish chiefs the sheriffs in their half-yearly tourns regularly
"coshered" on the people to their great damage. Moreover they now
levied a half mark each tourn on every knight's fee instead of on the
barony as formerly (z). They invented a new offence and so by the fines
reaped considerable profit. This was to summon the freeholder to cut down
the woods in the bad passes of the county, whoever defaulted was fined
YiQ2iV\\y (aa). The Anglo-Norman yeomen caught between the upper and
nether millstones of their lords on the one hand, and the Irish on the other
gradually disappeared. The names which figure so largely in the Pipe rolls
and Plea rolls of Tipperary in the thirteenth century are sought in vain in
later records. Neither in the Fiants of Elizabeth, nor the census of our own
day can one discover such patronymics as Arsyc, Burel, Codynor, Dunheved,
I'Enfaut, fflamvill, Godmund, Haleton, Joye, Krik, Lovell, Mallbronch,
Namenach, Osnel, Passelewe, Roleg, Stobboc, Trussenylan, Wyard, Yvor.

(x) Account of John de Coventry, Sheriff, 3 Kd. I.
(y) State Papers 1 285, Sweetman p. 4.
(z) Ibid p. 316. (aa) Ibid 447 scq.

History of Clonmel. ii

The Irish, as has been observed, still remained on their tribe lands.
Except that some fertile districts here and there were occupied by the
Norman lord, partly in demesne partly by his tenants, the old order
continued. The chief was regularly elected; the land distribution under the
ancient law took place periodically; the brehon sat in judgment; the
shanaghee constructed the tribal pedigree ; the bard played the old music ;
the traditional literature still flourished. There were in short two nations
on the same soil, not side by side but intermixed, one claiming it de jure by
the legal fiction of conquest, the other holding it de facto by every moral
right. Such a state of things could last only as long as the balance of
power was even, and the balance was disturbed in the early years of the
fourteenth century by the advent of Edward Bruce.

In 1318 after three years warfare and eighteen successive victories Bruce
fell at Faughard, near Dundalk. But he brought down with him in his fall
the feudal government of Ireland. The Anglo-Norman forces were shattered,
their tenantry dispersed,- their castles even in ruins. The Irish now seized
the opportunity and what Bruce had left, they destroyed. North Tipperary
for example had been a successful colony under the Butlers. Along the line of
the Shannon and among the head waters of the Suir many a castle had been
planted in dependence on Nenagh as the " caput baroniae." Lord Edmund
Butler being justiciary in 1 3 16, Bruce invaded the district and making Nenagh
his headquarters " burnt and destroyed all Butler's lands " (bb). Next year
O'Carrol of Ely completed the ruin by defeating the remnant of Butler's
forces, killing two hundred of them. Shortly after Bryan O'Brien laid claim
to the whole district as part of the ancient kingdom of Thomond, and
forthwith proceeded to make good his claim (cc). In 1322 he gained his first
great victory over the English. The parliament at Kilkenny on the petition of
the commonalty of Tipperary agreed to raise a subsidy, and the sheriffs of
the county, Geoflfry Prendergast and John Landers, were ordered to organize
an army to be commanded by John de Bermingham, the conqueror of Bruce (dd).
But O'Brien maintained his ground and three years later, moving south, he
destroyed the De Burgh baronies of Clanwilliam and reduced the towns of
Tipperary and Athassel to ashes. The Normans, now thoroughly aroused,
formed a confederacy under the Earl of Ulster, with O'Connor King of
Connaught and Murtough O'Brien of Thomond as allies. O'Brien at first
suffered a reverse at Thurles but soon inflicted an overwhelming defeat on

(bb) Book of Howth ad an.

fee) In a State Paper of Henry VII. ' Twomont ' included O'Kynedy of Ormonde, O'Kerowyll of
Elye, O'Meajjher of Keryn, O'Brene of Arragh, O'Molryane of Wehen (ORyan of Ownev), O'Dwyre
of Kvlnemanagh, and McBrene of Ighonaght (Coonagh).— Book of Howth p. 255.

(dd) Pat. Rol. 20 Ed. II.

12 History of Clonmel.

the allies, the King of Connaught being left dead on the field. The success
of the Irish may be measured by the fact that two years later, in 1332, they
cut into the heart of the Dc Bermingham country and burnt the town of
Cahir (ec). The sequel is related in the Four Masters, under the date 1337,
when an agreement was come to that O'Brien should hold the land and a
certain rent was to be paid to De Burgh— a covenant probably which neither
party took seriously.

If, as has been observed, there are some indications in embryonic
Clonmel of a Danish origin, yet the town as it emerges into history is
unmistakably Anglo-Norman. The four streets radiating from the centre
forming a cross, the parish church occupying the north-west quadrant, the
dedications "Our Lady of Clonmel," St. Nicholas, patron of sailors, St. Stephen
with its leper house, all these are characteristic of the older English towns
and of their Norman prototypes. The earliest documentary reference to the
town occurs in 121 5. That year King John sent a mandate to the Archbishop
of Dublin, justiciary, to distrain William d'Aencurt for £ioo purchase money of
Clonmel. The purchase had been effected some years before but payment had
not been made (ff). The explanation is probably furnished by an entry in
the Close rolls, 2ist October, 1221, when the manor and ville of Clonmel were
in litigation between D'Aencurt and Richard de Burgh. It would appear
therefore that the grant to D'Aencurt had been made in ignorance that
Clonmel was included in the lands previously granted to William fitz Adelm
de Burgh, father of Richard.

To Richard de Burgh, justiciar}', the most prominent man in Ireland of
his generation, Clonmel as a municipal and commercial entity owes its
existence. As early as 1225 he obtained from Henry III. a grant for a yearly
fair in the town beginning on the feast of All Saints and lasting for the
seven following days. In 1242 this fair was changed to the feast of
St. Magdalen (2ist July) and made permanent. The charter of incorporation
which he as lord of the manor granted to the burgesses is not now extant,
but its tenor may be learned from similar ones by contemporary lords.
Evidence however is not wanting as to the state of the town. On the death
of De Burgh in 1243 an inquisition in accordance with feudal law was held
into his property. From this it appears that a rent of £19 6s. was payable
by the burgesses. Now as contemporary charters show a uniform burgage rent
of twelve pence, the sheriff's return would represent 386 burgesses and a town
population therefore of 2,000. Surprising though these figures appear they
can be tested from other sources. In the charter of incorporation besides the

fit'} .\nna!s of Four Masters, Clyn, Koss. &c. (fi) Stale Papers, Swcctinan.

History of Clonmel. i3

common of wood and moor on the south side of the river, there were granted
in small allotments the burgagery lands north of the town. These extended to
about 850 Irish acres, and taking the average allotment, the burgesses would
approximate to the above figure (gg). Again, the mills of Clonmel as part of the
dower of Egidia widow of De Burgh were valued at £8 1 3s. 4d. yearly. As only
the corn of the manor tenants was ground, the profits show the existence of a
large community. De Burgh's children being minors his estates passed into
the hands of the King. Richard de Burgh, junior, dying in 1 250 was succeeded
by his brother Walter, who does not seem to have had livery of Clonmel and
Kilsheelan previous to his exchanging these manors for the land of Ulster.
An entry in the Pipe roll for 1276 runs "Richard fitz Ely accounts to the
Exchequer for the rent of Clonmel and Kilsylan and for all the other
proceeds of these manors, — which have been in the hands of the King from
Christmas in the twenty-ninth year (Henry III., 1244), — up to the next Feast
of St. Michael." A notable personage now appears on the scene. Otto de
Grandison was sheriff of County Tipperary in 1 267 and the two following
years. During this period casting his eyes on the rich lands occupied
despite feudal law by the junior De Burgh families, De Grandison soon
obtained a grant of them for life. Subsequently returning to England, he
was attached to the King's council until 1289 when he went on an embassy
to Rome. Ten years later he set out for the Crusade. He was present at
the siege of Acre whence escaping in company with the King of Cyprus
he was reported to have perished in a shipwreck. But in 1302 he arrived
home safely, bringing with him a Roman order for payment of 3,000 marks,
losses incurred at the siege of Acre. Previous to his foreign peregrinations
he succeeded in converting his freehold in Clonmel into fee simple
absolute.

Edward, the King has granted to Otto de Grandisson for his homage and his
service to the King during youth, and for his expenditure the castle, cantred, and entire
territory of Hokmath ICoonagh barony, Co. Limerick], the entire ville of Tipperary and
its appurtenances, the castle and ville of Kilfecle, the entire district of Muskerry and
the ville of Clonmel, to hold to him and his heirs for ever, with knight services,
advowsons of churches, &c., &c. Copeford, 26th July, 1281 (hh).

The interest which he and his representatives took in the newly
acquired possessions is evident from several entries in the State Papers. It
is probable that during the minority of the De Burghs the manorial
jurisdiction fell into abeyance, De Grandison determined to protect his

(^) '•'•i^' hurf(:igc holdiiiiis in Imiistiogue were 3 acres, in Rathcoolc 4 acres, in Rathmorc
some I, some 7 acres- Gale.

(hh) V'A\. Rolls, Calendar Hen. II. Hen. VH. p. i.

14 History of Clonmel.

tenants as doubtless also to secure the perquisites of his court. In 1 299
John de la Rokele and Walter fitz Mathew Power by a writ Praecipe began
proceedings against certain burgesses of Clonmel in the King's courts. As
it was a grievance to the citizens to compel them to appear outside their
bailiwick and a violation of their rights as freemen under Magna Charta,
Otto petitioned the King and quashed the proceedings. Besides legal
protection the citizens obtained a further instalment of freedom, the right
to levy taxes. The King at the instance of Otto de Grandison in 1298
granted to " the bailiffs and good men of Clonmel " for the benefit of the
town and the greater security of the adjacent parts, customs on all articles
domestic or foreign brought for sale there, the grant to last for ten years (it).
Before this had run out, the need for fortifying the town became increasingly
evident: the water ditch and the wooden stockade afforded the citizens
scant protection against the marauding baron and the omnipresent Irish (jj).
In 1319 a "murage" grant, or grant to build stone walls was made to the
provost and bailiffs, to be levied on all merchandise sold in the town for
seven years. This seems to have been effective for no other is discoverable
in the records for a generation. Meanwhile the De Grandisons finding the
occupation of their Irish territory uncongenial and the defence of it
anything but easy, became absentees. The withdrawal of the superior lord
unbridled the turbulent sub-feudarii who by this time, through the logic of
circumstances, were grown half Irish. The country was soon consumed by
smouldering civil war. A drastic remedy had to be adopted.

[1316]. Edward the King to John Wesda of Clonmel, greeting. Whereas all rents,
profits, etc., of the holdings of foreigners and strangers who do not spend such in
defence of the said lands whereby all their own lands and those of other faithful subjects
are destroyed and wasted by malefactors and other disturbers of the peace and whereas
Otho de Grandison is beyond the seas, etc., he John Wesda is authorized to receive
such rents of the said Otho and transmit them to Dublin to our Treasury (kk).

The De Grandisons returned and seem to have satisfactorily fulfilled
their responsibilities. Under date 1 326 the Anglo-Irish chronicler records
"In the morning of the vigil of Michaelmas died at Clonmel the noble squire
Theobald de Grandison" (H). The town folk followed their vocations in peace,
their only vexation being the trade jealousy of Carrick. A curious instance
of this is set forth in some law pleadings of 1331. Henry Tykenham sued
Richard Ocrethan (O'Crehan) and others. The plaintiff stated that the late

(ii) Appendix.

(ij) A memorial of this ditch long existed outside the north gate of the town ; the " Barior " is
frequently mentioned in early 17th century patents of land there.

(kk) Order by Bdmund Butler, Justiciary and Council, Exchequer Mem. 10, Ed. II. P.R.O.
Dublin.

(II) Annals of Ros, p. 43.

History of Clonmel. is

King (Edward II.) by letters patent in aid of enclosing the town of Carrick
with a stone wall, granted certain customs of things coming for sale to said
town. Now the plaintiff his men and servants in boats with merchandizes
passing through the middle of the water which leads from Clonmel to
Waterford and from Waterford to Clonmel, just as if the merchandizes had
passed through the middle of the town of Carrick to be sold there which they
were not, were greviously destroyed and manifoldly aggrieved by the said
Richard O'Crehan and others being the men of Carrick, to the great damage
of said Henry and against the prohibition of the Lord the King, etc. (mm).
But disturbed times came again and the De Grandisons, who to judge from
the Papal Registers were intensely religious, preferred their quiet home in
Hereford. In 1 338 their sixty years connexion with Clonmel came to an end.
"At the beginning of autumn Maurice fitz Thomas then Earl of Desmond
bought Clonmel and Kilsheelan from William (recte Peter) de Grandison for
one thousand one hundred marks (nn).

Hitherto Kilmanahan Castle had been the northern outpost of the
Desmond territory and the Suir the natural boundary. By the new purchase
the Desmonds encroached upon the Ormond palatinate which had just been
created, so that between them and their kinsman the White Knight, the
districts of the De Keatings of Nicholastown, De Prendergasts of Newcastle,
and De Berminghams of Cahir were almost isolated. To this disturbance of
the scientific frontier much of the subsequent local history is traceable. The
ruins of fifteenth and sixteenth century castles which stud the country still
tell of the historic feud between the Butlers and the Desmonds, and in part
explain it, Clonmel accordingly soon began to share the varying fortunes of
its new lords.

In 1345 Ralph de Ufford, justiciary, after a successful campaign against
Desmond occupied his principal castles and confiscated the estates. The
following year John Morris, seneschal, was granted the custody of Clonmel, etc.
with power to remove constables, bailiffs, and minor officers and appoint
others in their stead. The terrible plague known in history as the "Black
Death " visited the town in 1349. This with other calamities, is touchingly
related in a murage grant of 1355.

Whereas it has been fully testified to the Council of the King in Ireland that the
town of Clonmel is in divers ways reduced to pauperism by the plague which was lately
in those parts as also by the numerous losses of different kinds which its merchants
have met by sea and in foreign countries, the King considering their losses and poverty,

(mm) Plea Rolls, 5 Ed. III., P.R.O. Grammar and sense slightly mixed in original as in
translation.

(nn) Clyn's Annals, p. 29.

16 History of Clonmel.

for a fine of two marks paid by the burgesses and commonalty through John Stephens,
junior, has conceded and granted to the said burgesses and commonalty for the relief of
the said town murage and pontage of everything coming for sale there for eight years
from date hereof. Provided that at the end of that term they render account before
two liege men of the said town to be chosen for that purpose by the commonalty, as is
fitting, and no other account to be rendered to the lord the king, if only the murage
and pontage receipts are honestly expended on the repair of the walls and bridge of the
said town. 12 day of January, 1355.

Edward III. released the Earl from custody and having pronounced
D'Uflford's proceedings illegal, restored the estates and finally in 1355 made
Desmond viceroy. On the death of Desmond, his countess Eveleen had
livery of Clonmel as part of her dowry, and the following year 1359 is
remarkable as the first in which Clonmel returned members to Parliament.
On i8th March a writ was directed to the provost and bailiffs of Clonmel to
send " two of their more discreet citizens " to the parliament which was to
meet at Waterford on the Monday next after the Feast of St. Ambrose.

Though the Desmonds as lords of the manor held courts leet in the town,
yet the Ormonds in right of their palatinate, took cognisance of the graver
pleas excepting the four reserved to the King. But the provost of the town
would be subject to the Desmonds as his jurisdiction was manorial, hence
the Ormonds to counteract this, appointed a higher authority known as the
Superior or Sovereign. The preamble therefore of the following writ is
probably as truthful as such things usually are.

Edward by the grace of God, King of England and France and Lord of Ireland to all
whom these presents shall reach, greet im;. Whereas we considering how much the
town of Clonmel within the liberty of our beloved and faithful cousin James le Bottiler,
Earl of Ormond, stands in need of ampler and more powerful government than it has
had hitherto, especially in these days when the citizens as loyal men are seriously and
openly threatened by malefactors and robbers, as is reported. We, therefore wishing
to make liberal provision for the safety and defence of the said town by our special
grace and at the request of our said cousin grant and give license for us and our heirs
to the extent of our power, to the provost and commonalty of the said town that they
in future whenever it shall please them, shall elect out of their fellow burgesses every
year, a Superior who when elected shall make oath before the provost and commonalty
to do each and everything necessary and opportune for the safe and secure government
of the said town and the peace and tranquillity of our loyal men therein, just as the
superiors of the towns of Kilkenny, Ross, Wexford and Youghal reasonably do. We
grant also to the provost and commonalty for the time being by these presents in
writing that they be intendant and respondent to the Superior for the time being in all
things relating to his office as often as and just as is enjoined him on our part, the right
of the royal liberty granted to our cousin and his heirs, being saved in every wise. In
testimony of which, etc. William de Wyndsor, lord lieutenant, Kilkenny, 20 January,
1371-

A few years later the citizens obtained a grant of a more valuable
character, namely, freedom from pre-emption and purveyance. The royal
privilege of commandeering food and conveyance at a price fixed by the

History of Clonmel. it

purveyor himself, had it appears, been usurped by the feudal lords generally.
This scarcely disguised form of robbery was ended in the case of Clonmel
by a mandatum dated 12 July, 1376.

Edward by the grace of God, etc. Whereas in a Statute of Westminster lately
promulgated, it is enacted inter alia that no corn, victuals or other goods belonging to
any prelate, religious person, cleric or layman, be taken under colour of " emption "
against the will of the owner or keeper, within any trading town, and that no horses,
bullocks, cars, ships or boats be taken for conveyance against the will of the owner, and
if taken with his consent he must be satisfied according to agreement, and whosoever
offends in the premises and is convicted shall be imprisoned during our pleasure and
that of our Court according to the amount of the offence. And Whereas on the part
of our beloved the Superior and commonalty of Clonmel within our said land, it is
shown that certain evil doers calling themselves purveyors and servants of great folk
(magnatum) and others, have up to now taken corn and other victuals from several
burgesses against their will and did not satisfy them according to the statute, the
superior and commonalty have humbly petitioned us for redress, we therefore wishing
to keep the statute inviolate, command under the penalties expressed therein that the
superior and burgesses or any of them be not molested contrary to its tenor.

The Ormonds as lords palatine, in 1385 gave the citizens a further
extension of liberty. James le Botiller granted to the sovereign provost and
commonalty that their taxes should be rateably assessed by themselves, that
they should not be compelled to serve on juries, etc., out of the borough, and
that they should have the " office of the market," that is the market tolls and
the court of Pie Poudre which adjudicated on all disputes arising therein.

These several grants mark the growth of popular freedom from the stage
when the burghers were mere serfs under the feudal lord down to the period
when some of the " more discreet " of their number sat in parliament as the
equals of the barons themselves. But it must be remembered throughout,
that these franchises were only for burghers of Norman or English blood.
The Celtic Irish as belonging to a different nation had no legal status ; the
law took no cognizance of them and afforded no protection either to their
lives or their property. Those of them who attached themselves to the
English as dependents or servants could not be domiciled within the walls
but dwelt in a suburb outside which to this day preserves the name of "the
Irish town." And should any Irish even be murdered the only question that
could arise would be one of compensation to their master — just as for the
loss of so many horses or cattle. For instance in the Pipe roll of 1276 the
sheriff returns "David Toerny of Clonmele, Ixxviii. s., on account of the
wrongful death of an Irishman belonging to the Lord Edward," to be paid
to the said lord. Sometimes, but at rare intervals, an Irish family obtained
letters of naturalization by which they were enabled to inhabit and trade.
Such a family were the Moroneys who for three hundred years played a
prominent part in the town and only disappeared in the first quarter of the
eighteenth century.

C

18 History of Clonmel.

The King grants to O'Molrony O'Griffy chief of his race, to Molrony his son,
to Neill and Desmond brothers of the said 0*Molrony, that they and all their
descendants be of free state and free from all Irish slavery, that they use English law
and freely acquire lands, goods and cattle, because they have become faithful subjects
and reformed themselves and their people to the King's peace and loyalty. Clonmel,
6 December, 1375 (00),

Again,

The King grants to Terence son of Charles O'Connor who is of Irish nationality,
that he and his descendants be of free state. Clonmel, 17 June, 1408 (pp).

The charter of Henry V. to Clonmel sets forth the exclusively English
character of the inhabitants as the reason for granting them a Hundred
Court and exempting them from the jurisdiction of the seneschal of the
liberty.

Clonmel is inhabited by English merchants and burgesses who have lately
constructed great walls, towers and fortifications around the said town, and who
observing English law are a great succour to the government and to those who resort
to that place, but whereas they, the said inhabitants, are greatly oppressed by assess-
ments as well of the Irish as of the English of the County Tipperary around the said
town, etc

An entry on the Patent roll of 1408, illustrates still more vividly the
relations of the burghers to the native Irish.

The King grants to John Folyot, a merchant of Clonmel, that he and his servants
for the next three years carry on trading intercourse with the Irish enemy of Ormond
and Ely in Munster, as well in time of war as in time of peace (qq).

It is not therefore a matter ^f surprise if occasionally the Irish enemy
dealt with these merchants in a prompt, business like way of their own.

The King commands all sheriffs, etc, to arrest Walter Ormon, Richard Rery,
Griffin mac Walter mac Edmund, Henry McEon, outlaws in county Waterford at the
prosecution of Arnold de Hanse for the death of Martin de Hanse, merchant. Clonmel,
8 March, 1303.

From all this it may be gathered that life in medieval Clonmel was
neither empty nor colourless. The burghers* ordinary portion was that of
the apostle — perils from the deep and perils from robbers. Outside the
walls they and all they had were at the mercy of every enemy whom they
were not strong enough to resist or fortunate enough to escape. Within,
they had to take turn in watch and ward at the gates and walls, and
on holidays instead of rest every man between sixty and sixteen practiced

(00) Pat. Rot. 79, Ed. III. 121-2.
(pp) Pat. Rot. 10, Hen. IV. 77.
(qq) Ibid.

History of Clonmel. 19

at the butts how to shoot straight (rr). The return too of the merchant was
a notable event for he told of episodes of chivalry, of the people he had
met, of the churches he had seen and the pilgrimages he had made. The
friar brought from the chapter of his order not only the news of
ecclesiastical appointments and changes of discipline bat a full budget of
gossip got from his fellow capitulars. An old inhabitant at the end of
the fourteenth century could relate many a stirring scene in the town itself.
He would tell how in 1331 the lord of Cahir, William De Bermingham was
pounced on in Clonmel by the judiciary De Lucy, and the year after
someone recognized the ghastly head of the unfortunate nobleman spiked
over the gate of Dublin Castle. He would tell also how in 1338 William De
Wall, sheriff of Tipperary, with thirteen of his kinsmen were murdered just
outside the walls of the town by the Powers with whom they were holding
parley. And in 1346 that Ralph Kelly Archbishop of Cashel, Maurice
Rochfort Bishop of Limerick, Richard Walsh Bishop of Emly, and John
Lynch Bishop of Lismore, one day in the middle of the High Street vested
in full pontificals solemnly excommunicated all who, contrary to the
liberties of the Church, paid the subsidy to the Crown. Our inhabitant in
extreme old age would have seen the Anglo-Irish parliament assemble
in the ancient church of Our Lady on the Monday after the feast of
St. Peter 1381. Alexander Bishop of Ossory, and Sir Thomas de Mortimer
were there with the King's commission, and there also were the ecclesiastical
peers the bishops of the Pale, the abbots of Mellifont and Dunbrody, the
priors of Athassel and Kells, and many another. The lay barons too
mustered, Butlers and Fitzgeralds, Freynes and Cusacks, Poers and Barrys.
The cities of the Pale sent their representatives in aldermanic array,
rivalling Solomon in his glory. Indeed the barbaric splendour of this
feudal parliament afforded such a spectacle as Clonmel has never since
beheld ^^5/ Life therefore was full of incident; the character of the
burghers strenuous and healthy, and if chronic warfare quenched the
more humane instincts, it brought the ennobling compensations, personal
loyalty, mutual trust and the equality of comradeship.

But there were great drawbacks. Sanitation and hygiene were absolutely
unknown. Not perhaps a dozen houses were built of stone, the rest were
frame work and shingle. Open sewers drained the streets, and when
the universal mud and offal became impassable, an additional layer of

(rr) 5 Ed. IV., c. 4, " An Act for having a Constable in every town and a pair of Butts for
shooting ; and that every man between sixty and sixteen shall shoot every Holiday at the same
Butts." In some towns, e.g., Kilkenny '' the Butts" still survive in the local nomenclature.

(ss) Clynn's Annals /ass/m, Harris' Ware, Patent Rolls 5 Ric. II.

20 History of Clonmel.

rushes or straw was spread over the whole. Food also was of the coarsest
kind, only in summer was it to be obtained fresh. After Michaelmas
all cattle and swine that could not be foddered through the winter were
slaughtered and barrelled and there were no winter vegetables^/// The
consequences are obvious. Fever was endemic and when such visitations
of Providence as the plagues of 1349 and 1376 came, priest and congregation
were swept away together (uu). Few realize the history that lies behind the
Irish name of St. Nicholas' CeAmpuU ha puige "The Church of the Plague."
The general use also of salted food produced aggravated scorbutic
affections and it is probable that most of the ' leprosy ' of the middle ages
was a virulent form of scurvy. The hospital for the lepers adjoined the
chapel of St. Stephen, well removed from the town ; its last memorial is the
local name " 'Spittle lands." (w)

Such was Clonmel for the first three centuries of its existence.
Aggressively hostile to the Celtic population, neither influencing nor being
influenced by them, a "garrison town " in the most literal sense, it kept its
English identity unimpaired amid the active solvents of language and
marriage which destroyed the feudal system everywhere about it.

(tt) The Annalists, v.g., Penbridge and the Book of Howth carefully record the price of salt for
different years.

(uh) Friar Clynn, of Carrick-on-Suir, writes in 1349 "Scarcely one alone ever died in a house.
Commonly husband, wife, children and servants went the same way of death, and the penitent and
the confessor were carried together to the grave."

(i*v) The 'Spittle lands are still the property of the Corporation.

Ohapxe^r III.

CLONMEL IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.

CHE Anglo-Nomian supremacy of Tipperary which had been complete
in the thirteenth century was disputed in the fourteenth. In the
fifteenth century it gave way absolutely to the Celtic. The Irish
language was used universally, even Geraldines and Butlers were
proud of their skill in the vernacular literature fwwj. The Brehon code
regulated all disputes ; the lord became a chief, tanistry was substituted for
primogeniture, and instead of feudal homage there was the equality of clan-
ship. The Anglo-Irish then indeed and long after, considered themselves
English, but it was only after the fashion of the modern Australians. They
appealed to the executive when they were oppressed ; they made a parade of
their English lineage, and their former services against the King's Irish
enemy, but the t^uth was that in essentials they were themselves become "as
Irish as O'Hanlon's breeches " (xxj. Amongst the Irish Kern brought
to the siege of Boulogne in 1544 by lords Ormond and Cahir were Purcells,
Fannings, Fitzwilliams, Cantwells, Archers, Keatings, Dobbyns, Whites,
Rothes, Walls, and a host of others.

Yet not in all respects Irish. For the younger sons of the great families
who had found it convenient to reject the primogeniture, the female heirs,

fwivj A D. 13<;8. "Gerald Earl of Desmond, the most distinguished of the English of Ireland
and also of many of the Irish for his attainments and knowledge of the Irish language, iwetry, history
and general literature died after the victory of penance." " Theobald the son of Pierce, the son of
Edmund Butler lord of Cahir and the cantred of Clonniel, a man of great benevolence and bounty,
had the greatest collection of poems of any of the Normans of Ireland" — Four Masters.

(x.v) ** Other great houses there bee of the English in Ireland which have degendred from their
auncient dignities and are now growne as Irish as Ohanlan's breeche as the proverbe there is " —
Spenser's View of the State of Ireland, p. no.

22 History of Clonmel.

the wardship and marriage of feudalism, exacted with unchanging tenacity
the feudal services (yy). The unhappy freeholders and tenants in
consequence were crushed beneath a load of oppressions, feudal and Irish.
They gave aids, reliefs and the rest to lord Cahir or lord Dunboyne as
their liege lord, and then he came in his role of Irish chief with his
dependents " coshering " on them and ate up everything they had left. In
1542 a body of them petitioned King Henry VIII. and told a story piteous in
its quaint details.

The petitioners were Thomas Prendergast of Newcastle, James Keating
of Moortown, James Walsh, Rathronan, James Oge Wall of Finglas, Richard
son of William Butler of Kilcash, Geoff ry Mocklerof Mocklerstown, St. John
of St. Johnstown, William Power, Rathcoole, John Comyn of Kilconnell,
Richard fitz Theobald of Ballylynch, Richard son of William and grandson
of John Butler of Cabbragh, James Oge Butler of Lismalin, Geofifry Fanning,
Ballingarry, James LafTan Graystown, Pierce fitz Richard Butler of Moy-
kelly and John O'Neill of Maynestown.

They and their ancestors, they said, provided a retinue by which the
Earls of Ormond as lords of the liberty of Tipperary right well governed and
defended the said county. On the departure of the White Earl to England
in 1430 he divided the county into certain districts among his kinsfolk
assigning to each of them a proportion of the agreed retinue. These
kinsfolk "entered into such a wrongfull inordynate pride and malicious
division between them selfs that they fell suddenly out of their good
obedience to be murderers and mansleers of either other." Though the Earl
on his return restored the county to its " prestynate estate," his sons as Earls
of Wiltshire resided wholly in England. During this period again the
Ormond kinsfolk partly by joining in the Irish wars, partly by internecine
strife " brought the countrie not oonely into disobedience but also in effect,
into utter desolation and waste saving a few castells and so contynued till
about 1524." The late Earl of Ormond " to the great daunger of his person
at sundry tymes began to styrr soo with Syr Edmunde Butler [of Cahir] and
Syr James Butler [of Kiltinane] being then men of good power and strongely
allied with the Brenes [O'Briens] as with the Desmonds that he readoptid
vnto him agayn moche of the power of the same retynue that were so
commytted by his auncestors vnto the auncestors of the said Syr Edmonde
and Syr James." The Kiltinane Butlers were soon brought into subjection

(yy) Tliorold Rogers ckiiiuiistratcd, iur tlic lirsl time I think, the pai't phiyed in English history
by *' the younger sons." Along this line probably we shall find the explanation how, e.g., the Burkes
of Clanwilliam only three generations removed from FitzAdelm and claiming kinship with Edward
III., ranked themselves as Irish chiefs.

History of Clonmel. 23

but not so with the lords of Cahir. Edmund Butler cousin german of the
eleventh and twelfth earls of Desmond and married to a daughter of lord
Power, despised the orders of the lords deputy though sworn for performance
thereof. His son Sir Thomas Butler " slakith not to sesse [cess] and exacte
many kinds of inordynate exactions and taxes daily."

First the said Sir Thomas takith of every freholder coddies [night suppers] at
Xrimas and Ester or certan sommes of money in liewe thereof at his pleasyr.

He sessith them dailly with the kepers of his hounds and stoodes and withe hount
and hounds of dy vers kyndes.

He sessith dailly your said complaynaunts with all manner kynde of coyne and
lyueray (food for man and horse] for horsemen horsses and horskepers at his will and
pleasyr.

He sessith them with such persones as he commandeth nedeles to kepe garisons
and castells within the said countie that is to say with the chardge of eight in the
Reghill [Rehill castle] eight in graciscastell [Castlegrace] twelve in the Cahir and four
in Ardcollum [Dovehill] the like whereof neither therle of Ormounde ne noon other of
your graces obedient subiects vse.

He sessith them dailly with the chardges of all manner kynde of labourers for the
buylding and repayring of his castells houses mylls making of hedges and ditches
about his gardeyns and orcheyards and other inclosures at his will and pleasyr.

He leviethe and takithe of them at every Xrimas £8 13 4 for the payment of suche
wynes as he providethe for his house against the said feast.

He sessith them with the cariage as well of all stones, tymbre and other necessaries
to any worke he hath as also of all suche corne wyne pailles of butter and all other
things that he woll have caried for the necessitie or provision of his house or houses.

He takith towards the mariage of every of his daughters a shepe of every flocke
and a cowe of every sixty kyne, he levieth in every carrue of land [about 160 acres]
comenly callid collup within the Cantrede of Clomell [Iffa and Offa East] a bushell of
otes callid sommer otes.

He sessith them with a certaine retynue called Kernetye to the numbre of twenty
five contynually upon that porcion called the Cantrede of Clomell which retynue were
graunted oonly to therles of Ormounde for the ministration of justice and executing of
suche processe as shulde be by the seneschall and other officers of the libertie.

He sessith them also with twelve serjaunts for the levying of gages [pledges] for
these extortions to every of the whiche serjaunts they are chardged to give oflFrings
twys a yere where of old therle of Ormounde used to have but two serjaunts oonly for
the executing of Justice.

Whereby and by dyvers other unlawfull chardges used by the said Sir Thomas
your pore complaynaunts are so utterly empouerisshed that they be not hable to here
your Majestys subsidy and oonles your moaste gracious remedy e bee unto them
provided right briefly your said complaynaunts may not contynue after the sorte but
ifayne to leve all their freholds waste (zz).

(zz) Original, Kilkenny Castle,- Gilbert, National MSS. These charjjes are jset forth with
additional detail in a '* Vcrclyt of the Gcntlyllmen and Comyners of Typary " in 1537. "Itm, they
present that the coshyr wherwith they ar moste greveid and desolateid [is] by the niultytude of
people whiche the said Thomas bryngyth to them and every of them of habylytie by the whiche they
ar wasteid and ther substaunce whiche many daN'es and nights finde them [i.e., which they take
many days and nights to procure] is in two days and nights spent and this is useid four tymes in
the yere of men haveing any substaunce."

" I tm they present that the saide Thomas useid dyverse Juges and Sergeants in his countrey
oppressing the people of ther owne wille, and thes are the names of the Juges Rery McClaneshe
Dyne McClaneshe Thomas McClaneshe and these ar the names of the sergeaunts Edmd Mke
Donogho Darby Mke Edmund, John Duff haveing after hym six Sergeaunts and dyvers other
sergeaunts."

24 History of Clonmel.

Such was Tipperary during the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries,
a theatre of anarchy and disorder that — to use the words of a contemporary —
would have wrecked the kingdom of Beelzebub himself. How far the
burghers of Clonmel were able to maintain their civic independence and
trade, we are fortunately able to judge from a State Paper preserved in the
London Record Office. In 1537 a Royal Commission was issued to inquire
into the state of Ireland. The Commissioners, Antony St Leger, George
Poulet, T. Mayne, and William Berners opened an " inquest " in Clonmel, the
October of that year, when the following report was made.

The Verdyt of the Heddes and Comyners of the Towne of
Clonmell [October 18, 1537]—

Bennet White, Jur

[at]

Richard fytz Thomas White

)

Walter Poer

William Fagan

Jur.

John Molreny

Richard fytz John

White

)

Tybalde Whyte

John Stryche

]

William Laynach

Jamys White

^Jur.

Cornell Brathe

Waltyr Walle

1

John Corre

[jur.

I

Jur.

)

Nicholas Merthye\
Moryce Quyrke Ijur.
Jamys Quyrke j

This Inquyre is for thes two yeres past above the date above wry tin and so we
gyve our verdyct.

We fynde and present that when tyme as pleasith the Erie of Ossorye the lorde
Jamys Butler and Syr Thomas Butler Knight to be at any buyldeing of any castell or
works they do assesse ther tennts under ther governaunce to have workemen and horseis
to labor without gyveyng of meate or paying any money and they set ther masons and
carpinters to coyne upon the tenants every holly dayes fa).

Itm they fynde when it pleasith the said lords and gentillmen to have any tayllors
for to have worke or garments to be made they used to sett them at coyne upon ther
tennants in holly dayes.

Itm they fynde that idell men and vacabounds goyth in the countrye and takeith
meate and dryncke paying no money therfor. Itm they fynde that all lords and others
haveing domynion within this Quarter useith to have Iryshe judges [Brehons] for ther
advantage.

The citizens therefore of those days said little about the patronage of
the nobility and gentry, but on the other hand made grave charges of
interference with their trade.

Itm, they fynde that Shane FitzTybbalde [Burke] of Mowskry [Clanwilliam]
makyth his proclamations that no market may be solde nor shalle not be solde out of
his shyre but to Jamys White and Edmund Quirke and then paying every of them a
fyne ten shillings yerely.

(a) " Every whole day" is still used in Clonmel dialect, and is a translation of the Irish 5^6
uile Ia ^ every day.

History of Clonmel. 25

Itm they fynde that Donyll McKraghe of the Mountayn [Mountain Castle) hathe
ordyned and establysheid that none of his tennants shalle selle nor bye any hyds but
to himselfe at a certaine pryce for his owne avantage.

Itm they fynde that Sir Thomas Butler Knight, Nycholas Keteing of Nycholas
Town, Jamys Keteing of the Mortown, Jamys Englyshe of Whytechurche, the Pryor
of the Kagher [Cahir] the Pryor of our Lady Abbey [Ardfinnan] John Mawclerkeof
Dounes Towne, Thomas Prendergaste of the New Castell, Robert McShane
Prendergaste, Robert Keteyng of Ardfinan and all others within this shire in the
cantrede of Clonmell that have any towne or villadge under his govemaunce with one
assent and assembleing, before Sir Thomas Butler as govemer of them hath affyrmed
and establyshed and enacteid that none under their govemaunce nor jurysdycon shalle
sell or bring any woUe fleshe or other merchandyse oute or fro any towne or vyllege
to market towne of the Kings wythoute speciall lycence. And so this acte made by
commandyment and penaltye to be leved of the seller wythoute grace.

But besides this boycotting of the markets of the town, there was also
the grievance of forestalling. Certain persons styled " gray merchants "
went through the country buying "hides, felles [skins] checkers, fleges,
yarne, linnen cloth, woole and flockes " secretly and not in open market,
with the evil intent to sell them again (b),

Itm they fynde that Jamys White merchaunte useith and hathe graye merchaunts
regrateing the market, Thomas White and John Merthye useyth the same.

Itm they fynde that dyverse of Waterforde and others goen from vyllage to
vyllage so that the markets be hynderid and lost in this Quarter, that no vytaylle nor
merchandyse may be gotyn for any money praying your dyscrete wysedoms of a
remydy breifely.

From the next item it would appear that the navigation of the Suir
extended to Cahir.

Itm of the werys [weirs] made from Clonmell to the Carry k they fynde the greate
daunger and enormyties of them that both men and goods byn dayly in daunger of
loseing, and by west toun into the cahyrd (c).

In spite of all law Carrick folk continued to levy toll on the Clonmel trade.

Itm, they fynd that Carryk takeith unlawfull customes dayly contrarye to all
goode order and right of all suche bootys [boats] with merchandyseis not chargeid nor
dyschargeid within the fruncheis of that towne, whiche the Kings deputye awardeid
agayne them, whiche one Fitz William as custymer to the lorde of Ossery polleyth and
takeyth dayly the said wrongfull customes.

(b) This practice was prohibited under severe penalties by the Acts T^i^ Hen. VIII. and 2
Elizabeth.

(c) An Act was passed, 33 Henry VI 11., recitin^^ that whereas certitn persons "of their own
wilfulness and benefile '' had erected weirs, en^^ines and other obstacles whereby cottes boats and
vessels laden with merchandize were impeded, said weirs etc. might be levelled by any one of the
King's subjects in the presence of the sheriff, " that sutVicient gaps be m<ide in all milldams and
seven feet at each side of said river where they must needs draw the said boates with strength of
horses or men by land.'* Notwithstanding this a jury of Clonmel in 1576 again presented :

That all the'weares on the r>'ver of the Suir by Clonemell do stopp the concorse of boats and
fyshes to come alonge the ryver and specially the weare that is called Crowek weir.

That all the weyres uppon the shoure frome Korke Heny to the Carige be hurtful I to the
common weltb.

26 History of Clonmel.

The "heads and commoners" of the town had, however, still more
serious causes of complaint.

Itm, the saide jurye fynde that this present year the eight daye of Julye Waltyr
Butler of Polkyre [Poulakerry] and Shane Bretnaghe [Walsh] Waltyr Bretnaghe of
Rochystown is sonne with a Rowte of kerne and thevys [a body of armed Irish and
thieves] by nyght forceibly toke oute of a bote laden with merchandyseis in the r3rver
besyde the Key of Clonmell a fardell of clothe and merchaundyse valued at sixteen
pounds costs and all.

And no wonder if merchandize was plundered on the very quay itself for

The sayde jurye fynde that thofficers of the lybertie hath not executed the Kings
lawes agaynste Waltyr Butler whiche was endytied in the assyse, whereof growith
muche inconvenyensye and injuryedonby the said Waltyr Butler of Polkyr which ewas
wyth them, and mought be taken yf the senyshall and shryfe wolde have don ther office
and duetye.

Perhaps the reason why the seneschal did not arrest Butler was that
there were others as bad.

Itm they present that one Richard Rothe Butler of pollekere is a common extorcyenor
and hath taken and ymprisoned ofte and divers tymes the Kings subiects and comitted
infynite heynous offences against the Kinge and his lawes and his brother Water
Butler as great an extorcyoner.

A few special cases will illustrate the state of Clonmel at this period
better than any number of general presentments.

To the right honorable the Kings high commissioners of this lande of Ireland.

Greveusly complayning sheweth unto yor honorable wisdomes the Kings trewe
subiect your trewe oratrix Mawde Goldyng borne woman of the citie of Waterford.
That whereas your said oratrix laboring to comme by her lyving in trewthe hath gonne
and rowed bote towards the towne of Clonmell in the Kings river. And one of the
servants of Edmond Butler decessed called Derby Fitz Edmond which was then the
said Edmond Butlers sergeaunt and nowe servant to Sir Thomas Butler Knight the
said Edmonds sonne have riotously taken your said complaynaunt forsebly oute of the
bote and took her prisoner and tooke with hir a marke sterling in money and a crosse
worthe six shillings eight pence and kepte hir prisoner half a yere and more. And
afterwaid he paied for her raunsom to the said Edmond Butler a pipe of wyne worthe
eleven marks Irishe and two shillings in sterling to the said Sir Thomas Butler besids
your saide complaynaunts costs and losyng of her profits during the said ymprison-
ment. And also the said complaynaunts mother decessed was taken in the Kings
highwaye riding towards Clonmell forsaid by the said Derbyes father called Edmond
Fitz Donagh being then also sergeaunt to Edmond Butler and nowe servant to Thomas
Butler forsaid and took them of your said complaynaunts mother apprice horse [a high
priced horse]. And all this done to your said complaynaunt and to her mother [stood]
fer five yeres gayne. The premisses consydered therefore that it may please your
honorable wisdomes to cause and lawfully compell the forsaid Sir Thomas Butler sonne
and heire to the said Edmond Butler which Sir Thomas hathe the saide malefactors
and extorcynors in his service and domynion to satysfye your said complaynaunt and
her mother of the forsaid damages susteyned els to showe sufficient warraunt to barre
your said complaynaunt of the said exclamacons [claims] as shall stande with right
la we and conscience and this in the way of Justice and charitie.

[At foot] Wee (the gentyllmen and comyners of the contye of Tipar) knowe and
testefy that the said Mawde Goldyng of the citie of Waterford was taken by the said
Derby Fitz Edmond officer of Edmond Butler in the Kings hyway as to fore written
and this without any lawfull cause.

History of Clonmel. 27

The following case is a similar one of highway robbery, but of a more
aggravated sort.

To the right worshipfull the Kings highneS Commissioners.

In most humble wise sheweth unto your worshipfull masterships your daily orator
and poor bedeman Richard Graunte of Fetherd burgess, that where as he was in the
service of Sir John Arundell of the countie of Comewall and was willing to see his
frends and the count rey where he was borne. Where upon he took shipping and
arived at Dungarvan and there about two yeres nowe passed met withe Edmond
Mawrice gent who for a certayn some of money agreed upon sauffly to conducte the
said Richard and certayn goods which the said Richard had then in his possession to
Clonmel. After which conduccyon and hire the same Richard upon the truste he had
in the same Edmond went hymselfe with his goods toward Clonmell wyth the said
Edmond Mawrice which said goods amounte to the value of forty pounds. And the
said Edmond notwithstanding the confydance and truste which the said Richard had
in hym in the way bitwene Dongarvan aforsaid and Clonmell dyd with force and
armes assaute the said Richard and hym dyd beate and grevously wounde and the
same goods then being in the possession of the said Richard dyd felonously steale and
here awaye and after the same robery dyd convey the same goods to the towne of
Rekyll [Rehill]. And the said Edmond with other company to your orator unknowen
dyd bringe your said orator with force to the said towne of Rekyll where Sir Thomas
Butler Master to the said Edmond then inhabited and the said Sir Thomas Butler
imprisoned your orator by the space of half a yere and compelled him to give him eight
pounds and ten shillings Irishe for a raunsome or fyne for the payment of which
raunsome your said orator was enforsed to mortgage his lands to his utter undoing.
In consyderacon of all the premises may it please etc

In addition to highway robbery, there was systematic plunder under the
forms of law.

To the right honorable the Kyngs hyhnes commissioners of this land of Ireland.

Grevously complayning sheweth unto your honorable wisdomes the Kings trewe
subjects your trewe orators James Braye and Ric, Wedlok merchaunts and borne in
the towne of Clonmel where as they went by the Kings highwaye accompanyed with
other yonge men half a myle oute of the towne of Clonmell one John Duff sergeaunt
to Edmond Butler deceased and nowe to Sir Thomas Butler .Knight [met them. They
were] fellow with Water Flemyng merchaunt of the towne of Cosshill as he went by
the said highe waie with a pipe of wyne in a carte and [Duff] wold have arested the
forsaid wyne and horses. The forsaid merchaunt of Cassell owing no dewty unto the
foresaid sergeaunt nor to his lord or master defended hym [self] and his goods and
took it to his towne. Then the forsaid sergeaunt retorned into the towne of Clonmell
and complayned to the suffrayn that the said complaynaunts had forfeit the forsaide
merchaundises and goods. The soveraign belevyng this open false sergeaunt
compelled your forsaid complaynaunts to abide the judgment of four men chosen by
the forsaid Edmund Butler and by the suffrayn to whome Edmond Butler said openly
that his Judges [Brehons] should here [hear] and agre with them of the towne. The
forsaid Judges without deliberacon awarded that your fomamed complaynaunts shuld
paie unto the forsaid Edmond Butler ten pounds and to themselfs three pounds and to
the forsaid sergeaunt for his fee twenty shillings and then sent your complaynaunts to
Edmond Butlers place where they were kept in prisone twelve weeks and then paied
fifteen shillings four pence for jaylors fee and other besids the forsaid somes one of
your forsaid complaynaunts hath attached the forsaid Judges to the lawe which been
named William Fagan burgeys, John Haiyhan clerke and the matter was brought tofore a
quest whose names followen vz. Th. White, Ric White fitz John, Ric. White fitz Thomas
burgesses, Robert Butler, Edmond Braye, James White fitz Henry merchaunt men who
were sworne after the use of the towne dyd heare and receave your complaynaunts

28 History of Clonmel.

true evydences and then dyd not agree, your forsaid complaynaunts supposyng that
the forsaid three burgesses were not eqall [impartial] for they went abrod and brought
no verdite. And thus your complaynaunts and true orators can have no right syn the
twenty fourth yere of the Kynge our soveraign lorde the Kings reign unto this tyme.
It maye therefore please your honorable wisedomes to see a lawfull ordre in this
matter and thus in the waie of Justice and charitie.

[At foot] We knowe that the said James Braye and Richard Wodloke of the
Towne of Clonmell and Water Flemyng of Casseyll were interupted by the said John
Dufs servants when they passed in the Kings highwaie and this unlawfully doon not
accordyng to the Kings will.

Among the robbers in high station not the least conspicuous was Edmund
Butler, Archbishop of Cashel. An illegitimate son of Pierce, Earl of Ormond,
he was educated at Oxford, and subsequently through family influence
probably, was appointed prior of Athassel. From this was but a short step
to the archbishopric of Cashel. But the mitre no more made the archbishop
than the habit makes the monk, and Butler only difi'ered from the rest of the
family in his deeper shade of rapacity. Living with his notorious sister, the
lady Catherine Power in Kilmeaden Castle, he levied blackmail on the traders
of the Suir. The Clonmel jurors presented him and "his folowers" for
committing riot. In Waterford

We finde that tharchebysshop of Casshell with a companye and specially Phylip
Hennebre toke a bootye of Clonmell men and goods wythin this ryver.

Again

Itm they present that Edmond Archbishop of Cashell riotously and with a
company of malyfactors being in a bote on the river of Waterford anno twenty fourth
King Henry VIII qui nunc est hath spoyled and robbed a bote of Clonmell charged
with clothe sylke and safron and other merchaundises to the value by estymacyon aboot
one hundreth pounds sterling and took and ymprisoned the owners of parcell of the
said goods and kepte them in prisone tyll they made fyne and raunsome and is an
open mayntayner and bearer of causes [lawsuits] and manassed to trouble them that
wold tell trothe and useth coyne and lyvery in all thies parts that he paieth no money
for horsmete nor mannesmeate [food for man or horse].

A particular case of oppression is set forth in the following petition.

To the Kings highnes commissioners within this lande of Irelande.

Grevously complaynyng shewith unto your discute wisdomes and high auctorities
your poore humble and daily orator Robert Donyll freman and dweller within the Kings
towne of Clonmell within the said lande. That when as he laboring trewly for his
living in England cam home with his living and at his goying towards his dwelling
place of Clonmell aforsaid in the river of Waterford agaynst [opposite] Kylmydan
within foure myles of the saide citie cam the Archiebishop of Casshell with force and
tooke riotously your poore suppliaunt (with many others) with his goods to the value
of eight pounds and more and ymprisoned hym the space of nine weks to the utter
undoing of your saide poore suppliaunt his wif and children. And this contrary to
lawe and right as ye shal be credybly hereafter enformed by suffiaint recorde.

It may therfore please you of your chary table goodnes to see your poore suppliaunt
restored to his trewly begotten goods and the damages that he hath susteyned by reason

History of Clonmei^ 29

of the saide ryot and this in the waie of charitie seeing that your said suppliaunt is not
able otherwise (as by lawe) to obtaigne his goods. And your said suppliaunt shall praye
to God for your prosperous estate longe to endure.

The some of the goods taken by the said Archiebishop from your suppliaunt the
seventeenth daie of August in the twenty fourth yere of the Kings reign that nowe is
eight pounds six shillings eight pence.

This Byll is founde to be trewe by the verdyt of the hedde and commyns of the
towne of Clonmell aforesaide.

The honest burghers of Clonmel having detailed to the King's
Commissioners the robberies and outrages of which they were the victims,
might have requested his Majesty to shorten by the head a few of the
neighbouring gentry. They contented themselves with abstract advice ;
perhaps even then the unreality of royal commissions was felt.

The advyce for the redresse of the enormyties aforesaid divysed by the saide Jurye.

Our best advise after our symple dyscrecyons and most diligent and faithfull maner
please it your right discrete wisdomeis accepted, of the good ordering of the lande of
Ireland, if by your wisdomes maye fynde the meanes.

That first coyne and livery be put bake and the Inglish lords and trewe subjects of
Ireland be brought at one peace and that none may be at no severall peases with eny
of the Irishe naycons but with such Irishe nacions as is trewe and faithfull to the Kynge
and to his subjects and that then all Irishe naycons under the Kyngs lawes be obedyent
to the Statutes and lawes proclaymed, affyrmed by the Kings deputie and his counsell
and that the bigge Irishe sheets be dampned [be condemned] and put bake and brought
to lesse making and facyon (d). And when tyme is and may be by leasure after your
discrecyons that all Inglish nacyons of Inglishe and Irishe be brought to one apparell
as nigh to the Inglishe maner and facyon as may be, and that every man be so charged
to socor ne favor no thieves nor Irishe rebelles, and that every lord within his dominacon
be charged to have weapon after the best manner according as he maye occupie best,
and every man after his degree answere the crye [hue and cry] and defende his
neighbour the Kings subjects and that every gentylman answere for his servant in the
countrey that useth Irishe manners.

God save our soveraign lorde Kynge Henry the eight.

The advice of the burghers and the recommendations of the royal
commissioners, notwithstanding, the "enormities" continued, and two
generations later the state of Tipperary was worse than ever. On llth
October, 1563, Pierce Lord Cahir wrote that the brothers of lord Ormond
invaded his district and plundered his tenants of cattle, household goods and
clothing to the value of a thousand pounds sterling. In January, 1566,
Theobald Hackett of Meldrum, with divers others malefactors, burnt thirty
houses in Sheepstown, one hundred pounds worth of household goods,
" besydes the burninge of a womane and a mane child." The same year,

(di " Linnen shirts the rich doe weare for wantones and bravery with wide hanging sleeves
playted, thirtie yards are little enough for one of them. They have now left their saffron and learne
to wash their shirts fourc or five times in a veare." Campion. Historie, 1571, Dublin Edition, 1810,
p. 24.

30 History of Clonmel.

Philip Comyn fitz George burnt eight ricks of corn belonging to Edmond
Coniyn, of Kilconnell. Connor Fox of Monroe, burnt nine houses, one
hundred sheep and swine, and twenty pounds value of house stuff belonging
to Teige OTogarty of Duagh. In 1568 Edmond, son of the White Knight,
with others "vilonusly burned and spoyled the barrony of Cahir to the
number of sixteen townlands." Coyne and livery was universal. Sir Edmond
Butler's and the lord of Ormond's men cessed the country with cuddies,
horsemen, galloglass, '* goners and doggs." So did the sheriff of the liberty,
and the Clonmel jury of 1 576 reported the same of the president of Munster
himself.

At intervals war broke out between the Geraldines and the Butlers, and
then indeed the combatants in the elegant phraseology of Cox " played the
devils'* in the district. In 1516 the Earl of Kildare, lord deputy, having
defeated the O'Carrolls marched on Clonmel, then controlled by Sir James
Butler, natural son to the Earl of Ormond. He " attempted the town with so
much celerity that the townsmen (being surprized) immediately surrendered
upon conditions. The deputy returned loaden with hostages, prey and
glory." (e). An end seemed to be put to the feud by the marriage of Joan,
daughter of the eleventh Earl of Desmond, with James, heir to the earldom of
Ormond, the manors of Clonmel, Kilsheelan and Kilfeacle being settled on
Butler as her dowry. But as Ormond refused to acknowledge James Fitz John
as next Earl of Desmond, the latter felt justified in repudiating the marriage
settlement made by his kinsman the eleventh earl. In his attempt to recover
these manors he was supported by the lord deputy Bellingham, whose policy
was to keep the Irish divided. Ormond complained bitterly of Bellingham's
action. "I am credably informed," he wrote, "the Lord Deputie hath
counsailid James of Desmond to make werr upon mee for suche landes as my
sonn James hath in his wife's right and have procurid Sir Thomas Butler [of
Cahir] to be of the same mynde and to take his parte " (f). On the death of
James, Earl of Ormond, his countess Joan married Gerald, Earl of Desmond, so
that the rivals then stood towards one another in the relation of step-son and
step-father. Yet peace was as far off as ever. For when the ownership of
the manors was settled, the controversy about the regalities sprang up. In
1558 the question at issue was "the boundyng of the countie of Tipperary,
how farre the liberties doo extend and whether the manors of Clomell,
Kilfeakill and Kilsheelan being within the said countie ought to answer
to the said lybertie. The erle of Ormonde clayming by his patente of graunte

(c) Cox. Hibernia Anglicana, p. 206.

(f) Ormond to Cowley, Jnly 20, 1538, Journal A.S., 1873, p. 511.

History of Clonmel. 31

that the same extende in all places within the same countie withoute anye
exception, and the erle of Desmonde supposing that the boundes of the said
countie extende not so fair as the said earle of Ormonde pretendith to have
lybertie and the said manors ought not to answer the sayde liberty." (g).
Though the earls were bound to the peace in the sum of £2,000 each, yet two
years later they were as busy as ever in murderous cattle lifting. By orders
made by the lieutenant and council at Waterford, 1st August, 1 560, John
Butler, Piers Butler and Edmund Commins, of Tolomane, were delivered as
hostages for the good conduct of Ormond, John fitz James of Desmond, the
White Knight and John Browne, for Desmond, the manors of Blackcastle and
Kilmanahan being put in pledge by the respective earls (h). The legal
victory was gained by Ormond, 6th July, 1 562, when an order of the queen
confirmed to him " the right, title and inheritance of the royalties, knights'
fees and other liberties and things as well in the manors of Clonmel,
Kilfekille and Kilsheelan, as elsewhere in Tipperary." (i). But Desmond was
by no means prepared to acquiesce in this arrangement of Elizabeth with
Ormond " her black husband " as she fondly styled him. In November,
1563, hostilities began again by a cattle raid on Kilfeacle. Ormond retaliated
and three months later a pitched battle was fought at Affane where Desmond
was routed and brought a wounded prisoner to Clonmel. The September
following Piers Butler scoured the barony of Glenaheira carrying off six
hundred cattle belonging to Shane McGrath, of Kilmanahan Castle. While
Desmond and his brother Sir John Fitz Gerald were prisoners in London,
they found a redoubtable champion in Rory McGrath, the son of Shane. He
maintained his position in Kilmanahan against all comers, and for some years
kept Clonmel almost in a state of siege. Though Sir John Fitz Gerald wrote
from London in 1 569 to have him expelled from Kilmanahan and Philip Crah
appointed, no notice was taken of the letter for the reason probably, it was
shrewdly suspected not to convey Fitz Gerald's real wishes. Ormond offered
a garrison to defend the town, but the expense of maintenance made the
citizens decline the offer. They subsequently paid dearly for their parsimony
for one day Rory came as usual cattle lifting from the meadows about the
town. The citizens were reluctant to leave the shelter of the walls, but the
hot-headed sovereign threatened to denounce them as traitors to the Queen.
A pursuit party was therefore formed. Rory drew them into the hills where
falling upon them one of the first slain was the sovereign himself. Two
years later, in 1574, Rory captured the Butler castle of Derrinlaur by means

f^) Hist. MSS. 15 Rep. III., 57.

(h) Ibid. pp. 98-99.

(ii State Papers, Hamilton, p. 198.

32 History of Clonmel.

of which he was enabled to intercept the traffic of the town, (j) The
war between Geraldines and Butlers however was nearing the end.
In August, 1574, the deputy Fitzwilliam in accordance with Elizabeth's
instructions proceeded against Desmond. Derrinlaur was besieged and
after the walls had been mined the garrison sallying forth were massacred in
detail. A week later, August 26th, Kilmanahan surrendered and Desmond
came to Clonmel where he made a humble submission which he followed
up by a letter to Elizabeth " praying for one drop of grace to assuage the
flame of his tormented mind " (k).

By this time mere faction quarrels were giving place to larger and more
fundamental issues. The policy of conciliating the chiefs and nobles, at
best an experiment, had been abandoned at the death of King Henry, its
author. The alternative one of reconquest was now gradually taking shape.
Celts and Anglo-Irish felt their independence threatened and their estates, as
a consequence, at the mercy of English adventurers. Writers of the imperialist
school such as Cox and Bagwell (I) are wont to describe the wars of the
Desmonds and O'Neills as "rebellions" organized by Roman ecclesiastics
against a constituted government. And O'Sullivan Beare elevates them to
the plane of crusades in behalf of the Catholic faith (m). The truth is that
the chieftainries and lordships could be brought under English rule only by
armed force. Reformation therefore, civil and religious, made a serviceable
pretext for reconquest ; while on the other hand Catholicism afforded a
common base of action for Celts and Anglo-Irish. Moreover it gained for
them the sympathy and support of the Catholic powers abroad then in the
vortex of the counter Reformation. But so far from those wars being in
their spring and motive religious, the fact is the masses of the people never
came in contact with Protestantism at all, and furthermore their leaders, the

(j) The Majji"aths were one of the powerful Irish families whose supjx^rt the Desmonds enlisted
by marriage and gossipred. Curiously enough they survived the wreck of the Desmonds, and went
down only in the Cromwellian cataclysm. In the '* Book of Distribution " of the Co. Waterford of
that period they appear as owners in fee of a considerable part of Kilronan parish. The townlands of
Ballymacarbcry, Curtiswood, Cullenagh, Sillyheene and Baunfown belonged to Patrick, Rory, James
and John Magrath, all " Irish Papists," and forfeiting proprietors accordingly. Their kinsman,
Pierce Magrath, also an " Irish Papist," forfeited Sledy, or Curraghncsledy as it was called, with
other lands and a considerable part of Dungarvan town. Among the grantees however of Sledy
were Richard and Thomas Osb«)rne. The former touched by the beauty and misfortunes of Mary,
daughter of the old owner, married her and thus Magrath ended his days in the quaint Tudor house
his father erected. Osborne's brother Nicholas settled in Tickencorr, the former home of Alexander
Power, which at the Cromwellian distribution had passed to Sir Thomas Stanley. The fourth in
descent from Nicholas was Sir William Osborne, the friend of Grattan and his consistent supporter
in the cause of Irish independence. The present Duchess of St. Albans is great granddaughter of
Sir William.

(k) Carew Papers and State Papers Eli/alM^th, passim.

(I J Hibernia Anglicana, London, 1689. Ireland under the Tudors, London, 1 885-1 890.

(mj Historiae Cath. Iberniae Compendium, Lisbon, 162 1.

History of Clonmel. 33

chiefs and several of the bishops, during the conciliatory period of Henry
Vin. renounced " the usurped authority of the bishop of Rome," and shared
in the plunder of the monasteries.

The history of Clonmel during this period is characteristic of that of the
country generally. The harbinger of the Reformation in Ireland was Piers,
Earl of Ossory. In 1534 before leaving London, knowing as Carte states
" that Henry VIII. was not a prince to be disobeyed with safety," he entered
into an indenture that as governor of Kilkenny, Tipperary and Waterford,
he would join with the king's deputy in reducing Dfesmond and would resist
the Pope. Ossory was followed the next year by George Browne, appointed
by the king to the archbishopric of Dublin in order to carry out his majesty's
pleasure " that his subjects in Ireland should obey his commands in spiritual
matters and renounce their allegiance to the see of Rome." Browne fulfilled
the instructions " almost to the danger and hazard of his temporal life," and
appealed for a Parliament to pass an Act of Supremacy (n). Parliament
was called but the representatives of the clergy refusing to accede to the
royal wishes, were excluded by an order under the great seal. Accordingly
in 1536 Brabazon the vice-treasurer was able to write to his master Cromwell :
" The Common House is marvellous good for the King's causes and all the
learned men within the same be very good ; so that I think all causes
concerning the King's grace will take good effect." The learned men passed
a series of acts declaring the King, his heirs and successors, supreme head of
the church of Ireland, forbidding payment of Peter's Pence, or other
acknowledgment of Roman jurisdiction, and dissolving the religious houses.
Legislation apart, the Reformation made halting progress ; for the king wrote
to Browne, 7th July, 1537, to employ himself diligently in good furtherance
of the n yal affairs, slyly reminding him not to forget that he might be
removed and another man of more virtue and honesty put in his place.
Browne replied that the king's monitions "made him tremble in body for
fear of incurring his majesty's displeasure," and pleaded his labours in
expounding the true gospel " utterly despising the usurped power of the Bishop
of Rome, being a thing not a little rooted among the inhabitants here." Yet a
year later the whole body of Reformers continued to sit around the Dublin
Council table. On 5th April, 1 538, Agard wrote to Cromwell : " Excepte it be
the Archebyschope of Dublyn which dothe here in preching sett forthe
Codes Worde with dew obedyence to ther Prynce, and my good Lorde
Butler [Ossory], the Master of the RoUes [Sir John Alen] Mr Thezaurer
[William Brabazon] and on or two mow which are of a smalle repytachosn

(n) state Papers, Henry VIII., vol. ii., passim.

34 History of Clonmel.

here, is ellys noon from the hyeste maye abyde the hering of hitt." But
another cause was now at work which soon compelled the highest to abide
the hearing of the word. The dissolution of the monasteries was in the air,
and the greed for their broad lands put into the Reformation a driving
force it hitherto lacked. The highest, as well ecclesiastics as laymen, kept
a hungry look out. To take a local instance, Nicholas Comyn, Bishop of
Waterford, wrote to Cromwell in November for a share in the temporalities
of Innislounaght when that abbey should be dissolved. But another had
already marked the plsfce for his own — no less a person than the Deputy
himself. Lord Leonard Grey.

A few days before Christmas, the Privy Council (Browne, Alen,
Brabazon and Aylmer) set out on a visitation half episcopal, half gaol
delivery. They visited Carlow, Kilkenny, Wexford and Ross. The "Kinge's
Supremycia, togeder with the plucking downe of ydoUes and the extinguishing
of the Bishop of Romes auctoritie," were duly preached and several
malefactors put to death in each place. In Waterford after " publishing the
Kinge's injunctions and the residue of his plesur likewise," there were " put
to execution fower felones accompanyed with another thefe, a frier whom we
commaunded to be hanged in his habite and so to remayne upon thegallowes
for a mirror to all other his bredern to live trulie." The Council then
proceeded to Clonmel.

At the writing hereof we werne at Clonmell [l8 January 1 539] where we kepe
cessions this dale and on Soneday tharchebishop of Dublin will preche here likewise
as he d^ in other places befor mentioned in the presence of all the Bishops of Munster;
who upon our commandment been repaired hither for the most parte alredie and or
[before] they departe they shall be sworne to the Supremacie of the King, and against
the Bishop of Rome.

It is to be regretted that as the list of bishops present in Clonmel is not
now forthcoming, we are left altogether to inferential evidence. One thing
is certain that all the Munster bishops did not obey the summons, while on
the other hand some from outside the province attended. The archbishops
of Tuam and Cashel, Bodkin and Butler, were unquestionably among the
number present. The former had already the previous July taken the oath
of supremacy in Galway : the latter, like his father Ossory, was probably
ready to profess Mahometanism if it were the King's religion. James Quinn,
bishop of Limerick, had six months before sworn to maintain the King's
supremacy. Dominick Tirrey, bishop of Cork and Cloyne, had been installed
by Henry in opposition to the papal nominee, Lewis McNamara, a Franciscan :
who the others were is a matter of mere conjecture. But the event is the
most important in the history of Protestantism in Ireland during the sixteenth
century. On 8th February, 1539, the Council wrote to Cromwell.

History of Clonmel. 35

At Clomell was with us twoo Archebusshops and eight Busshops in whose
presence my Lord of Dublin preached in advauncying the Kinges Supremacy and the
extinguishment of the Busshop of Rome. And his sermon fynyshed all the said
Bisshops in all thoppen audience took the othe mencioned in thActes of Parliament
bothe touching the Kinges Succession and Supremacy befor me, the Kinges Chaunceller ;
and divers others ther present ded the lieke

Your Lordships most bounden Orators

John Allen Ke, Chaunceler
Georgius, Dublin
WiLLM Brabazon
Gerald Aylmer, Justice (0),

The Bishop of Rome extinguished, the Reformation proceeded apace.
Six weeks later Lord Chancellor Alen came to Clonmel to receive the
surrender of the religious houses from their respective heads. The patent of
his commission stated that " the houses of regulars in Ireland are at present
in such a state that in them the praise of God and the welfare of man are
next to nothing regarded; the regulars and nuns dwelling there being so
addicted partly to their own superstitious ceremonies, partly to the pernicious
worship of idols and to the pestiferous doctrines of the Roman pontiff, that
unless an effectual remedy be promptly provided not only the weak lower
order but the whole Irish people may be speedily infected to their total
destruction by the example of these persons " (p). It will be seen that unlike
in England, no wholesale charges of immorality are made, and it is certain
the Privy Council would be only too glad if such were available for the
preamble (q). The first house surrendered to Alen was the Franciscan. On
the "twenty eight day of March in the thirty first year of the King [1539]
Robert Travers, guardian or custos, with his brethren in virtue of the Royal
Commission, etc., left the said monastery so that it is totally dissolved."
Within the next fortnight the Cistercian abbey of Innislounaght, the
Augustinian priory of Cahir, the Carmelite house of Lady Abbey near
Ardfinnan, and the Brigitine convent of Mollough at Newcastle were all
surrendered. The people of Clonmel viewed with no little satisfaction the
dissolution of some of these houses ; for of late they had been a reproach not
only to religion, but to decency itself. Inquiries into the monastic property
were forthwith held, and the following year pensions chargeable on the

(0) state Papers Henry VIIL, vol. iii., p. 117. Some, as in the case of Gardiner and Bonner
in England, did not consider the rejection of papal supremacy inconsistent with the Catholic creed.
Nicholas Comyn, bishop of Waterford, who was almost certainly present, is extravagantly eulogized
by Lynch the historian of the Irish Catholic bishops. Others, such as Brown himself, would (if we
can trust the correspondence of the period) go down the slippery slope to rationalism.

(p) Morrin Chancery Rolls, I. 55.

(q) How little the Irish Reformers were concerned with morals is clear from the case of James
Butler, last abbot of Innislounaght. Here was a scion of the Butler family thrust into the abbacy,
who with his brethren stank in the nostrils of Munster. Yet the commissioners assigned them
substantial pensions, and subsequently conferred on the ex-abbot the vicarage of St. Patrick's Well.

36 History of Clonmel.

property were settled on the former members of the communities. But there
was one important exception. The Franciscans had actively opposed the
royal supremacy ; their piety and their zeal had won them the affections of
the people. For them therefore there were no pensions.

During the next thirty years nothing more was heard of the Reformation
in Clonmel, and it does not appear that any question of religion was raised
by the Lords Deputy or other functionaries who visited the town. The
municipal council, in whom at the dissolution of Athassel priory, the advow-
son of St. Mary's was vested, regularly appointed a Catholic priest to the
living. Foundations for the celebration of Masses were made as if
Edward VI. and Elizabeth never existed. The whole population, from Ormond
the lord of the liberty down, remained Catholic. Meanwhile the religious
struggle was stirring the world to its depths. The bull of Pius V. in 1569
excommunicating Elizabeth and releasing her subjects from their allegiance
was the gage of battle in Ireland as in England. Henceforward the Desmonds
and O'Briens, the O'Moores and O'Neills, had the sanction of religion in their
effort to maintain their independence and estates. Their fight was now Pro
Arts et Facts. The mixed motives, temporal and eternal, which actuated both
parties in the struggle are well expressed in a speech of "the great rebel,"
Gerald, sixteenth Earl of Desmond. " Our rulers," said he, " ever since they
renounced the Catholic religion scorned to regard the nobles of this land
who have remained true to their faith ; they have no part in the councils of
the realm. As for the people, are they not harassed and ground down by
imposts such as our ancestors never knew ? Spies and informers are sent
among them, and on the misrepresentations of these hirelings Queen
Elizabeth has formed her estimate of the Irish people. We are trampled on
by a gang of mailed marauders who despise us. Look at the sacred order
of the priesthood, is it not despised by those innovators who have come
among us to banish the rightful owners from their ancestral estates," etc. (r).

The position of the priests was especially difficult. Educated abroad
owing to the destruction of the monastic schools, they were regarded by
principle and training " traitors " and " rebels " in the pay of Spain. They
were watched for at every port, and the commander of the Queen's forces or
the president of the province " upon vehement suspicion " might put them
to torture or hang them by martial law. Still they came. Cormac O'Fergus
reached Cork from Lisbon Easter Sunday, 1 571. After several adventures
we find him in Clonmel where he celebrated Mass in secret and preached
twice. A few days later he was captured (s). Sir William Drury had

fr) O'Daly's Geraldines, p. 118.

fs) The writer hopes to be soon in a position to publish the original authorities from the State
Paper Office and the Bodleian.

History of Clonmel. 37

scarcely assumed the presidency of Munster when he complained to
Walsingham " the students of Ireland that come from Louvain are the merest
traitors and breeders of treachery that liveth. Whereof they are in these
parts about Waterford and Clonmel four principal prelates. John White is
worshipped like a God between Kilkenny and Waterford and Clonmel. He
suborneth all the dwellers of those parts to detest the true religion stablished
by her Majesty." A principal prelate of a still more dangerous character
was Edmund Tanner, Bishop of Cork and Cloyne. Soon after his landing in
1575 Drury had him arrested together with his chaplain, and both were
lodged in Clonmel gaol. A strange incident now happened. While in
prison Tanner was visited by a schismatic bishop — probably Patrick Walsh,
Bishop of Waterford and Lismore. "Discussions and conferences" took
place between them with the result that Tanner reconciled the other to the
Catholic church. Drury possibly thought such a man as dangerous in prison
as out of it, and through the influence of Lord Barrymore released him (t).
The government correspondence of the period is full of reports of spies set
to watch the priests. "There is one Sir Teage O'Swyllyvan an earnest
Precher of popery still preching from howse to howse in Waterford
Clomell and Fidreth " (u), " There is one Sir William Ocherohy a semynary
[priest] lately come from Roome and now dwelling att Clomell Cassell and

ffidder Sir Garrett Reken preist at Clomell Sir

Walter preist dwelling att Clomell." The following year 1593 several of
these were still at large and others had come. " Sir Teage O Suilevan a
preacher soiourning betweene Waterford and Clonmell in his sermons
curseinge all peopele that exercise authoritie in her maiesties name. Sir
William Trehie (come from Spaine and borne in Cashell most commonly
soiourning at Clonmell) .... Sir piers Kely orderd [ordained] by Dr.
Crahe and still soiourning betweene Waterford Clonmell and Cashell . . .
Sir Garrett Rollea a man in very greate compte in Clonmell . . . Sir
Walter a priest of Tomond now resideing at Clonmell " (v). But none
attracted more attention from the spies than the parish priest of Clonmel,
Father Richard Morris, who seems to have reached the town about 1 580. In

(t) *' Barrymore," said Ormond. *' is an arrant papist who a long time kept in his house Dr.
Tanner made bishop here by the Pope, who died in my Lord of Upper Ossory's house being secretly
kept there. Believe me Mr. Secretary you shall find my Lord of Upper Ossory as bad a man as
may be." — Ormond to Walsingham, July 21st, 1580. Fr. Holling who in 1596 wrote a short sketch
of Tanner gives the particulars, but discreetly withheld the names lest he should compromise the
Catholic lords and their friends.

(u) " Sir " before the name of a priest indicated he had not graduated in a University. Fuller,
Church History, p. 352.

(v) O'SuUivan after many escapes died near Kilcrea, 17th December, 1597. Contemporary
accounts of him survive from the pens of Mooney, the Franciscan provincial, and O'Sullivan Beare.

38 History of Clonmel.

1590 he was reported as " a prieste that useth Clonmel." He next appears in
a more odious form as ** a prieste reconcyled to Papestry." We find him
subsequently in a list sent by Miler McGrath, the Protestant Archbishop of
Cashel, " Sir Richard Moris who confessed before the now Lord Justice Chefe
of England Sir John poppam that he was within this two yeares in conference
with doctor Crah " [Catholic bishop of Cork and Cloyne]. Morris had earned
the unsparing hatred of McGrath; like others he had probably girded too
indiscreetly at Amy O'Meara, the Archbishop's partner (w). Sir John Perrot,
the brusque soldier who filled the office of deputy, however, had little faith in
Miler, and was adverse to religious persecution. When in 1 591 Perrot was
charged with high treason, one of the counts was "That one Richard Morrice,
a Priest, a notorious Traitor being a passer from Ireland to Vicount
Baltinglass in Spain and from thence to Rome to confer of Rebellions and
Invasion for England and Ireland. Sir John Perrot knowing the said Morrice
to be a most dangerous person to the State would not give order for the
taking of the said Morrice as he should have done but the Bishop of Cashell
caused him to be apprehended of his own authority and sent him to Mr.
Poor the sheriff to be sent to the Castle of Dublin whereupon the friends of
the said Morrice told them that Morrice had better friends than they all had
and shortly after Morrice was discharged and never more called in question.
And all this was confirmed by the oath of the Archbishop of Cashell and the
said Poore viva voce" If Perrot, a strong, just man would not soil his hands
with "the Queen's business" of this sort, others had less scruples. Among
the " younger sons " who were then pushing their fortunes in Ireland, one of
the most notable was John Norris, son of Lord Norris of Rycot. He had
taken part in a filibustering expedition to Flanders some years before, and
was able to boast that he had stabled his horses in St. Godule, Brussells. But
though ambitious of fame, Ireland offered in the Desmond forfeitures more
solid rewards, and in 1584 he obtained the presidency of Munster. Secretary
Fenton was instructed to provide the president with an estate, and that
official selected Askeaton, one of Desmond's principal houses. Captain
Barkley, however, had taken possession, so that Norris in disgust again
volunteered for the Low Countries "not to be drowned in this forgetful
corner." At this juncture an opportunity occurred of giving signal proof of
his Protestantism, and he availed himself of it. Some eighteen months before
while the hapless Earl of Desmond was being run to earth. Lord Roche wrote
to Ormond that he had captured the Earl's chaplain, Desmond himself

(w) The argitmenlum ad fe mi nam was a favourite one at the period. Father Eugene O'Duft'y's
lampoon on the Archbishop was published many years ago by J. D. White, of Cashel.

History of Clonmel. 39

escaping narrowly (x). Ormond at once announced the good tidings to
Burghley. Captain Robarts was despatched to bring in the priest " and my
servant Pat Graunte with him to be chained in hand lock with the priest that
no man may see him or speak unto him. I would this chaplain and I were
for one hour with you in your chamber, that 3^ou might know the secrets of
his heart which by fair means or foul he must open unto me " (y). It does not
appear that the chaplain had any secrets to disclose, and henceforward he
disappears from the correspondence of Ormond and Burleigh. His awful
fate, however, we learn from other sources.

I am sending you something of the greatest value — the glorious piartyrdom of my
intimate friend Maurice Kenrechtin. He was a very holy priest- you knew him, and
was chaplain to the Earl of Desmond for which reason he was arrested and brought to
your native town of Clonmel, and there imprisoned for more than a year. On the eve
of Easter Sunday in the year 1585 Victor White one of the principal men of the town
a pious Catholic obtained from the governor of the gaol the favour of having the priest
spend the night at his house. But the governor secretly advised the President of
Munster an English heretic who was then in town, that if he wanted to catch the
principal men of the place hearing mass he could easily do so at the house of Victor
White early next morning, bargaining at the same time for the price of his shameful
treachery. At the hour appointed the soldiers rushed on the house. They seized
Victor, the rest hearing the noise got away through the back doors and windows. A
married lady however fell and broke her arm. The soldiers found the chalice and other
things belonging to the Holy Sacrifice. They searched everywhere for the priest — he
had not begun mass —and came to a heap of straw under which the poor man lay.
Prodding the straw they struck him in the thigh but he bore it in silence through fear.
Shortly after he escaped out of the town. But Victor who could never be brought to
the heretic conventicles though he had suffered much, would not betray the priest and
was therefore imprisoned. And he would no doubt have suffered the extreme penalty
of the law if Maurice hearing of his peril had not freely surrendered to the President.
Truly Christian friendship ! The President after much invective passed sentence of
death. But if he renounced our Catholic faith and acknowledged the Queen as head of
the church his life would be spared. The * Minister of the Word ' also tried in vain
with much argument to seduce the martyr. Neither would he on any account give the
name of any person who had heard mass or received sacraments. At length he was
dragged at the horse's tail to the scaffold where he learnedly and devoutly exhorted the
people to constancy in the faith. He was cut down when half alive and beheaded, the
* Minister ' fixed an inscription on the head. The Catholics by entreaty and money
saved the body from being treated with indignity and rendered the highest burial
honours they could.

Farewell in the Lx)rd and may you be followers of the heroic Maurice Kinrechtan.
At least prepare your souls for it.

Yours most affectionately

Robert Rochfort.
From the College of St. Anthony,
20 March 1586 (z),

(x) Roche to Ormond, Castktown, 19th September, 1583. His men overtook the Earl's
chaplain and took all their bags bottles four beeves and other stuff. Desmond and his followers
narrowly escaped.

(y) Ormond to Burleigh, Carrick, 23rd September, 1583.

(z) Analecta Sacra, etc. Bishop Rothe, Cologne, 161 7. Rothe gives a lengthy biography but
an earlier one by Fr. John Holing (ob. 1599) from which Rothe's account is partly derived is
preferable. From this the following particulars are taken. *' Maurice Kimracha, a native of
Kilmallock, a priest and Batchelor of Theology-, underwent many trials in the war against the

40 History of Clonmel.

This terrible episode created no mere passing sensation; it sank into
the minds of the people. They regarded Kinrechtan as a martyr, and his
grave in the Franciscan Church would have become a place of pilgrimage
did not the friars, to escape persecution, strive to conceal it The court off
Lough Street in which Victor White's house was situate was known down to
the Cromwellian period as " Martyr Lane." When at length the Catholics
rose to power the body was exhumed, and in 1647 it was conveyed amid
great religious honours to its final resting place in Askeaton Abbey.

Though the attempts to impose Protestantism on the inhabitants put
their loyalty to a severe strain, yet throughout the sixteenth century they
remained staunch supporters of Elizabeth. In 1 583 Sir Henry Sydney
reported to Walsingham "Marching through the County of Tipperary I
encamped by Chlomnell a walled town standing upon the river of Sure, the
people good and loyal." Again in 1600 while Hugh O'Neill, de facto master
of Ireland, lay at Holy Cross there was no question of surrendering "the
Queen's unpaid garrison." Furthermore the citizens placed at her disposal
their goods and their money. Lord Grey in 1 582 petitioned the Privy Council
for payment to the people of Clonmel of moneys owed them by Captain
James, Captain Lower and Captain Morgan; the same year the Sovereign
Geoffry White authorized payment to Alderman Pierce Sherlock of further
sums. In 1583 Burghley was petitioned for £36 due to the town by Captain
Zouche deceased. Four years later a sum of eight score odd pounds was
spent on powder and munition for the defence of the town. As the Queen's
exchequer was depleted there was no little difficulty in recovering these
moneys. In 1587 permission was sought to import 2,000 quarters of wheat in
lieu of Captain Zouche's debt (aa). Again licence was asked to import 100
tuns of wine free, or a grant of lands of £40 yearly value, as a set off for other
debts. Among the citizens who especially distinguished themselves in the

heretics, animating the Catholfc soldiers and administering the sacraments He was long

kept in prison where with much patience and perseverance he continued Catholics in the faith and
moved many to repentance by pious exhortation and gave to all an example of the true Catholic

religion Having he<ird the death sentence he quietly thanked God and exhorted all

to profess the Catholic faith and obedience to the Sovereign Pontiff. While he was brought to
execution he spoke with such piety and wisdom that many were moved to tears and at the sight of
the scaffold he threw himself on his knees in constant prayer amid the scoffs of the heretics. At the
place itself, having asked the prayers of the people and given them his blessing he was hanged.
While half alive he was beheaded and the whole night the soldiers kept watch upon the quartered
body lest it should be taken away by the Catholics. The following day the four quarters were set
up on the market cross in the centre of the town, the head on a loftier eminence to be seen by all.
Thus he underwent his glorious martyrdom in the year of the Lord 1585 on the 30th day of April.
Some days later the Catholics purchased the body and gave it honorable burial in Clonmel where he
suffered. All this I heard from three trustworthy persons who were present — one of whom was
engaged in arranging the altar, the other two were natives of the town. I knew them, as also
White and the priest himself." — Spicil, Ossor. I., pp. 89-91.

(aa) This famine was artificial ; the English soldiery systematically destroyed the growing cTops
for the purpose of starving out the Irish, preliminary to settling the new plantations.

History of Clonmel. 4i

service of the Queen were John Aylward who was rewarded with a lease of
Grenane Castle, and Edward Gough who received a knighthood at Kinsale
from Mountjoy. Thus Clonmel earned the encomiums of Elizabeth's successor.
" An ancient borough fortified from the time of its foundation by forts and
walls erected by English liege men, whose inhabitants are sprung from an
old race using English habits, customs and laws, and who duly rendered
praiseworthy service to Englishmen with the loss of their blood and life" fbb)

(bbj Charter of James I. 1608. As the whole population were constructive rebels, people secured
their civic rights against martial law by obtaining ' Pardons,' The following Clonmel names appear
in the Fiants of Elizabeth, 1571— Edmond O'Higgins, 1573 — David White fitz Pierce and Sabina his
wife, Nicholas White fitz Pierce merchant, Richard White fitz James yeoman, William son of Hugh
O'Coury fisherman, Robert Casie weaver. Each of these to pay a fine of one fat cow. 1576 — John
Aylward gentleman, Darby Lynch husbandman, Thomas Brennock merchant, Thomas Nunan
merchant — both pardoned at the suit of John Danyell the Earl of Ormond's man. 1577 — James and
John Brennock merchants, Edward Quirke and Peter White — to pay a fine of a cow each. 1583
— Thomas White fitz Walter and Katherine his wife. 15QI — Robert Condon. 1598 — Ellen Clanchy,
John O'Grady. 1601 — Pierce White fitz David, Thomas Butler fitz Pierce, Thomas Butler fitz Edmund,
James Butler fitz Edmund, Teig O'Casey tailor. 1603— John White late sheriff of Co. Waterford,
Solomon White, Garret Wall merchant.

Ohapxer IV.

CLONMEL 1603-1641.

CHE earlier years of the seventeenth century were ones of unexampled
prosperity in the South. Racial feuds were rapidly dying out;
the Anglo-Irish and the Celtic Irish menaced alike by the new
English party began to grow together as one nation. For the first
time the benefits of the law came within reach of the common people. The
judges went circuit; the presidency court, the sessions and courts baron
administered upon the whole fair justice, and life and property became
tolerably secure. With the advent of peace, trade and industry rapidly
increased. To this the numerous " undertakers" contributed not a little. They
with characteristic energy prospected for silver in Tipperary and gold in Kerry,
opened iron mines at Cappoquin, at Araglen, at Toomgraney and Macroom.
They made pipe staves from the native oak for which a ready market was
found in the wine ports of France and Spain. Agriculture also emerged from
the patriarchal stage ; corn and cattle were raised much in excess of domestic
needs — a phenomenon carefully noted by contemporaries. Licence was
granted to export grain to England when its price did not exceed ten shillings
a Bristol barrel, while some beginning of the live stock trade was made.
" There is a marvellous change " wrote in 1630 a close observer " upon the
state of affairs which old inhabitants can remember. Buildings and farming
are improving, each man striving to excel other in fair buildings and good
furniture and in husbanding, enclosing and improving their lands." (ccj
The fine Tudor mansions (Burntcourt, Loughmoe and Tickencorr in our own
neighbourhood) still witness to the taste and prosperity of the period.

(ccJ Cork to Dorchester, State Papers ad aim.

History of Clonmel. 43

In the towns especially the progress was most marked. Trade had not yet
been focussed in great distributing centres; each town was an independent
commercial unit and its burghers had direct business relations not merely
local but foreign. The Clonmel ' merchant venturer ' collected his stock of
tallow, hides, salt beef and pork which he sent by boat to Waterford or
overland to Youghal (dd). Then having sold his merchandize in some Spanish
or French port he purchased wine, salt, hemp for cordage, silk, tapestry or
other fine stuffs for the return voyage. To us it is strange to meet with James
White and Bennet White, merchants of Clonmel in far off Cadiz in 1609 (ee),
but in the seventeenth century it was possible to find in the town men who
had seen the whole western seaboard of Europe. Some indeed never returned
from their perilous voyage, and to guard against such contingency wills
were made before setting out. Garrett fitz Edmond Wall for instance in 1606
"being bound in a voyadg beyonde ye seas and doubting of any mischance "
bequeathed his estate to his wife and daughter. Five months later the will
was proved (jf). But not only was commerce active but there was — for the
time — considerable manufacturing industry. The increased growing of corn
brought with it flour milling. Instead of the solitary manor mill to which all
citizens had perforce to bring their corn, we find in contemporary patents one
in Bridge Street and four in the south suburbs. Further the prohibition on
the export of wool had the effect of stimulating its manufacture at home.
Waterford had already earned celebrity for its rugs, mantles and freize,
Clonmel followed, for about 1614 Benedict White fitz John set up in Suir
Island a mill for the tucking and finishing of coarse woollen stuffs. Through
the town were various kilns, doubtless for the drying of grain, while more
than once there is mention of brewhouses and malthouses (gg). This industry
indeed was restricted by the Act 3 & 4 Philip and Mary, Cap. 7, which
prohibited the manufacture and sale of beer, strong waters and the like, but
licences appear to have been freely granted. In 1614 the following were
licensed to keep taverns in Clonmel.

James White merchant and Victor White his son.

Patrick Wall merchant and Anne Wall his daughter.

Richard White merchant.

John White merchant.

Richard Wall merchant.

Thomas Donoghowe (hh).

(dd) In the Youghal records is a sort of commercial treaty by which one of the Whites was
enabled to ship his wares free of the port dues there.

(ec) State Papers sub ann. fgg) Inquisitions Jas. I. passim,

(fj Prerogative Wills P.R.O. Dublin. (hh) Pat. Rolls Jas. I. ii.

44 History of Clonmel.

Four years later the law was practically suspended by a grant as ample
in its scope as it is curious in its time limit.

Granted to the Mayor, Bailiffs, Free burgesses and Commons of Clonmel licence to
keep taverns and sell wine and ardent spirits in the said town and half a mile round
the same during the lives of Nicholas Mulronie Merchant and of Jeffrey Barron son of
Laurence Barron of the same town Merchant (ii).

The result is instructive. In July 1623 the Irish Council reported " that
the grant of licensing the sale of wine, aqua vitae (whisky) and ale proving
beneficial only to some private persons, and ale houses since that grant being
multiplied, being one occasion of the dearth of corn here, [such grants] should
be called in " (jj). The recommendation was followed and the trade again
brought within due control.

However the brewing and woollen industries may have fared subsequently
under Falkland and Strafford, the humbler shopkeepers of the town appear
to have reached a fair standard of comfort. The following affords a view of
the household arrangements of Henry White fitz Thomas, draper, who died
in 1614.

An inventary of my goodes and chattels

fiirst a big olde measinge pan. A silver standinge cupp or noil. A newe table
boord. A new carpeleade. A prasneath. ffowre pewter dishes. Two pattingers.
A flocke bed, a paire of sheets, ffifty five settes, three shaggs, ffovrte ordynaries, one
hundred and thirty yards frize, six peeces of checkes, eighteen poundes in moneye,
tenn barrells oaten malte, three barrells barley malte. There is alsoe due to me of Mr
Nicholas White fitz Henry 8 li sterlinge as by our mutuall deede indated more at large
may appeare. Itm I have in shopp wares by myne estimation ye value of 40 shillings
sterlinge. Itm a cheste price seven shill. ster. (kk).

Perhaps the best evidence of the prosperity of Clonmel at this period is
the large amount of money advanced by the several merchants on landed
security — then the only investment obtainable. In the patent and close rolls of
James I. and Charles I. are mortgages of extensive estates made to Patrick
White fitz Thomas, James White fitz Robert, John Bray fitz John, Laurence
Barron and others (II), As the interest on these mortgages varied from 15 to
30 per cent, foreclosure was the sequel ; the mortgage therefore was but the
transition stage to landed proprietorship. Accordingly in the next generation
the representatives of these merchants appear in the "Book of Distribution "
as forfeiting landowners (mm). Their wills also, many of which are extant,
supply further information on the point and give invaluable glimpses into
their social state and civilization.

(ii) Ibid. 16 Jas. I., i April. (jj) State Papers Jas. I. (kk) Prerogative Wills, P.R.O.

(11) In the will of the last named no fewer than seventeen mortgages are recited — many being
of whole townlands.

(mm) For example: Michael White fitz Bennetof Mylerstown, Edmond Bray and Nicholas Belts of
Orchardstown, Francis White, Chancellorstown, John Flynn, Derrygrath, &c., &c.

History of Clonmel. 45

Catherine White fitz Thomas in 1625 —

I doe leave and bequeath unto my daughter Bess my best chaine and my best
Juell. I distribute the rest of my Juells, chaines, Ringes with all my bodilie aparell
upon my brothers, sisters and their children, my foster mother and my nurse and some
poor kinder women of myne.

John Bray fitz John in 1632 —

Itm. I doe will, legacie and bequeath to my said son John Bray my siluer saultes,
my siluer taster, sixe siluer spoones, two highe bedsteeds with their truckles and
furniture, all my tables carpletts, cussions, stooles, formes, chaires, cupboords, chests,
my harpe. Tables, the great Crucifix or picture I lent Mr Richard Wadding of
Waterford deceased and all my books. My sd son John Bray shall have and receave
the gould Jeuel bequeathed by my father unto me which now my sister Ann Bray hath
after the decease of my said sister.

James White fitz Robert in 1622 —

I will and devise to my said wife Catherine Power all my pewter, brass, lynen,
candlesticks, householdstuff, catle, her Jeuells ringes and chaine of gould and all my
goods and chatells my plate only excepted.

Richard Leynach in 1628 —

I doe leaue unto my wife Mary Brenock without devision all my plate, brass,
pewter, buttry, dyaper lynnen, beddinge and all other household stuff that I haue
whatsoever and she to take charge of my soule.

Laurence Barron in 1622 —

The House I have nowe adwyld [dwelt] I doe leave to my wyfe during her naturall
lyf chaste viduitie and dwelling in Clonmel otherwise but a third parte of the valuation
of the rent thereof. Itm I doe leaue all my aparell to my brother Richard Barron.
Itm I doe leave to my brother Robert Barron to helpe him to stocke 8 li. ster. when it
is seen that he is hable to enioye it or otherwise to serue his necessary wants. Itm
to my sister Beale 20 nobles. Itm to my sister Alson 20 nobles for mayntenance of
her child. Itm to my sister Austin is three daughters fyve poundes a peece to their
preferment when they be marryed. I doe leave to my nepheu James Wale is soun 5 li
when he is hable to remburse it in marchandize. I leave my best goulden (sic) to Mr
Walle. I leave my signett and ye small three tume Ringe I weare to my uncle John
Whit in remembrance of my loue.

Edward Butler in 1619—

A note and true inventry of goods chatties and household stuff remayning.
Twentie poundes worth parcells in wool ware and woole, fower gerrans, twelf tunns of
salt, two hundred flemish hupes, one hundred Anysides. Two hundred half Lucoryes,
half hundred English hupes, one bruing paune two smale paunes, one brass potte, five
chests one trunke fine brass candlesticks, two coops of platte, two Juells of gould two
ringes of gould, two cupperts, tenn poundes worth of triffiing in merchant ware, twelve
poundes in money, seaven hundred sheepskins, two Spanis tables three quarter hundred
Riess three barrells of beare malt twelve peeter dishes, two pattingers, two smale
savcers with other smale trifilings. I bequeath third part of said goods to my wife the
third to my children the third for my soule. I bequeath unto my brother Richard
Butler my new fustean doublett, unto my brother in law Richard Neale my new cloake,
my brother Walter Butler my best felt [hat] my eldest daughter Ellice fouertine cowes
smale and greate, and the great brass potte, my eldest son John a silver goblett of platte
parcell gilt weing xiii unces and the great drawing board and a new carplett.

These and many similar ones still to be seen in the Record Office call
up a pleasing picture of old Clonmel. They speak of lives gracious and

46 History of Clonmel.

refined, of love of kindred, of manifold charity, of tranquil enjoyment of this
world and serene hope for the next. But the old Anglo-Irish burghers had
nm their course ; they accumulated wealth, they built houses, they made
settlements and entails little thinking that their grand-children would be
homeless and their names traceable only in forgotten archives. Yet even in
their lifetime they might have discerned the beginnings of the storm.

The Desmond colonies in Munster and the Ulster Plantation had one
vital consequence, probably unforseen by those who planned them. Hitherto
the representatives of English supremacy in this country were the Anglo-Irish
country gentlemen and burghers. They composed the parliaments of Elizabeth
and swelled her armies. At an earlier period they had loyally dissolved the
monasteries and had even discarded the papal legates. When Europe was
divided by religion into hostile camps they remained throughout on the side
of the Queen, fought for her against the Desmonds and massacred the
fugitives of Kinsale. Yet withal they were convinced Catholics and the
diplomatic Elizabeth thought well to raise no questions of conscience but
left them for the most part freedom of worship. With the advent of the new
settlers the whole political situation changed. The Catholics need no longer
be reckoned with. England had now a party secured by the strong ties of
self interest, whose religion was a guarantee against continental intrigue,
whose existence in fact depended on maintaining and extending English
influence. Accordingly all power soon passed into the hands of the
new colonists. They manned the executive, they dominated parliament,
they gradually filled every office of trust and emolument to the almost entire
exclusion of the hereditary ruling class. Raised on the ruin of Celts and
Anglo-Irish alike, they looked on both with equal distrust. They were
Protestants of the Calvinist type, and regarded with scorn and hatred the
great Catholic population around them. If the temper of the age had been
one of toleration and compromise they would not have sought peace, for
turbulence led to forfeitures and forfeitures fell to them. Such were the men
who then obtained power, who under the forms of law carried on relentless
warfare on the religion and property of the people they ruled (nn).

(tin J '* It is certainly very unhappy for a nation at any time to be governed by strangers who
cannot be supposc(^ to have any natural love for the country and whose particular advantage doth
not depend on the general good of the nation ; but in a time of jealousies and distractions when a
mutual confidence between the governors and the people committed to their charge is absolutely
necessary, the consequences flowing from such a circumstance must be very fatal. This was the
very case of Ireland at that time ; the governors were the likeliest persons in it to get by the troubles
of the Kingdom and to raise their own fortunes by the ruin of those of private gentlemen. There is
too much reason to think that as the lords justices wished the rebellion to spread and more
gentlemen of estates to be involved in it that the forfeitures might be the greater and a general
plantation be carried on by a new set of English Protestants to the ruin and expulsion of all the old
English and natives that were Roman Catholics." — Carte's Ormond T., p. 183.

History of Clonmel. 47

What took place in Clonmel is only an example of the proceedings in
the towns generally. From the beginning of the reign of James I. the open
and ostentatious Catholicism of the people was a subject of sore complaint.
Sir Henry Brouncker a few months after his appointment to the presidency
of Munster, reported to Cecil that the towns in his province were swarming
with priests, mass being said almost publicly in the best houses even in the
hearing of all men (00). Saxey, chief justice of the presidency court, was
equally distressed by the presence of Jesuits who, he said, numerous as
locusts were everywhere harboured by the noblemen and chief gentry of the
country but especially by the cities and walled towns (pp). But how to deal
with the evil was the difficulty. For as yet there was no statute of the Irish
parliament by which the Catholic clergy might be banished ; there was
indeed the English statute, 27 Elizabeth, but the crown lawyers construed it
in vain. No one had ever contended that an act of the parliament of
England bound Ireland unless expressly named. The matter however was
urgent, and Justice Saxey advised the Privy Council to seize on the persons
of the priests and deport them to England where there was enough law to
deal with them. Besides, he argued, did not the "queen's dominions" in
Act 27 Elizabeth include Ireland (qq). Sir John Davis, the attorney-general,
took a more hopeful view. "The priests," he wrote, "would with all their
hearts leave this miserable country and would be glad to hear of a
proclamation of banishment that they might have a good excuse to depart ;
they that go up and down the [county of the] Cross of Tipperary get nothing
but bacon and oatmeal, the people are so poor " (rr). The experiment was
tried. On 14th August, 1604, Brouncker issued a proclamation that all
Jesuits, seminaries [seminary priests], and massing priests depart the province
before the last day of September, any person receiving or relieving them to
be imprisoned during his majesty's pleasure and fined in the sum of £40.
Further, a reward of ^40 was offered for the body of every Jesuit brought
unto the lord president, £6 3s, 4d. for every seminary and £s for every
massing priest (ss). But no priests were taken and none departed. Some
months later a spy returned a list of the priests still in Munster which
included among others Richard White priest in Clonmel, Fathers Mulroney
and Leinagh Jesuits in the same, Redmond Nash priest in Fethard, Thomas
Geflferay priest in Kilcash, Walter Wall Jesuit in Carrick-on-Suir (tt). The
royal authority was now invoked ; a proclamation was made in which the
King declared his high displeasure at the report that he purposed to grant

(00) state Papers Jas. I., p. 193. (rr) Ibid, p. 162.

(pp) Ibid, p. 218. (ss) Ibid, p. 190.

(qq) Ibid, p. 219. (tt) Ibid, p. 380.

48 History of Clonmel.

liberty of conscience or toleration of religion to his subjects in that Kingdom.
On the contrary he admonished them to hear divine service in the churches
on Sundays and holidays upon the penalties contained in the statutes. All
Jesuits, seminary and other priests to depart out of the Kingdom before the
lOth December, 1605, and sheriffs, justices of peace, and other loyal subjects
to use their best diligence to apprehend offenders (uu). From a letter sent to
Aquaviva, the Jesuit general, we learn how the proclamation was received in
Clonmel : —

At Clonmel there was a consultation about the proclamation. The citizens resolved
not to publish it. When Miler [McGrath Protestant archbishop of Cashel] was going
to the market place, a troop of horse burst into the town to keep down the people if
they offered any opposition. Such horror was there of this proclamation that even the
little boys remained indoors (w).

Active measures were at once taken ; troops of horse scoured the country;
the houses of the gentry and opulent burghers were raided and some twenty
priests were captured. The majority went into hiding or disguised
themselves as grooms, as surgeons, as servants, as " esquires with sword and
lance," or again as fools and strolling players (ww). On 17th January, 1607,
one of the Clonmel Jesuits, Nicholas Leynach, wrote " We are dispersed and
like night robbers we long for darkness, no place is safe for us on account of
the number of our pursuers. A and W [Andrew Morony and Walter Wall]
are well and are selling their wares " (xx). Nine months later they apparently
were still " selling their wares," for on 6th September the Earl of Thomond,
president of Munster, wrote to Salisbury " We have taken the best course
that we might in placing some horse among them [the recusant Catholics]
and appointing good officers at Clonmell and Cashell where most of the
resort of the Jesuits and seminaries is, hoping by that means to have taken
some of them ; but all in vain, they are so befriended that hardly any of them
can be apprehended " (yy). The priest hunting was kept up many years later.
In 161 5, for instance, a report of a spy now in the British Museum reads: —

Fr. Richard White priest, gen'all vicar of the diocess of Lismore.
In ye Diocess Fr. Thomas Sheyne a Jesuite and a precher now resideing in Edward
of Lismore Whites house in Clonmel.

Fr. Andrew Mulronie a Jesuite.

Fr. Nicholas Leynagh, a Jesuite residing in his brothers, Nicholas
Leynagh's, house.

Thomas Magrath had a father a fryer authorized by the pope to
discharge ye faculties of a bishop (zz).

(uu) lb., 303.

(w) Letter 27th Nov., 1606, " Henry Fitzsimon, S.J.," Dublin, 1881.

(WW) Some curious instances may be seen in State Papers 439, 476, Fitzsimmons* Life, 117,
144, 152.

(xx) Fitzsimmons' Life, p. 166.

(yy) State Papers IL, 258. (zz) Addit MSB., No. 19,836.

History of Clonmel. 49

The Catholic lay folk of the town underwent a persecution in severity
and duration only little less than that to which the priests were subjected.
In the last week of Lent, 1606, Sir Nicholas Walsh, Sir John Davis and Sir
Henry Brouncker joined in a commission of assizes and general gaol delivery,
arrived in Clonmel. We have a report of the proceedings at first hand in a
letter of Davis to Salisbury.

We came to Clonemell a well built and well kept town upon the river of Sure in
the county of the liberty of Tipperary. In this county we gave in charge to the jury
all matters not determinable by the Earl's charter viz., all treasons and all other offences
which have been made capital or otherwise penal since 46 Ed. III. in which year the
Earl's charter doth bear date .... my Lord President (whose zeal in matters of
religion tempered with good moderation doeth merit very much consideration) was
desirous that a priest one James Morice [the parish priest of Clonmel] who was lately
before apprehended should have been indicted for publishing a slanderous and seditious
bull though without all question it be a forged and counterfeit thing as you may
perceive by the copy which I have presumed to send you herewith. Before we would
conceive any indictment hereupon we thought meet to examine the evidence which we
found not to be ripe enough because the parties that should make the direct proof
were not present and therefore we deferred this business till another session. This
town being in the liberty is more haunted with Jesuits and priests than any other town
or city within this province which is the cause we found the burgesses more obstinate
here than elsewhere. For whereas my Lord President did justly offer to the principal
inhabitants that he would spare to proceed against them if they would yield to a
conference [with the Protestant vicar] for a time and become bound in the meantime
not to receive any Jesuit or priest into their houses, they peremptorily refused both,
whereupon the chief of them were bound to appear at Cork before the Lord President
and Council presently after Easter there to be censured with good round fines and
imprisonment {a).

A more summary process was adopted towards the mass of the people,
viz., indictment under the Act 2 Elizabeth, for absence from the Protestant
church on Sundays.

Of the multitude we caused 200 to be indicted but with much ado was the grand
inquest [grand jury] drawn to find the bill and yet for the most part they were
gentlemen of the country. The Jesuits and priests of name that have lately frequented
the town are Nicholas Lennagh Jesuit, Andrew Mulrony Jesuit, Richard White priest,
Gerrard Miagh priest, William Crokin priest Amongst these Nicholas Lennagh hath
special credit and authority ; and which is to be noted before that horrible treason was
to have been executed in England [the Gunpowder Plot] he charged the people to say
three Ave Marias for the good sucess of a great matter which what it was they should
not know until it was effected and brought to pass. If our bishops and others that
have cure of souls were but half as diligent in their several charges as these men are
in the places where they haunt, the people would not receive and nourish them as now
they do (b).

The great matter for which the people were charged to pray, we learn
from the Jesuit correspondence, was the salvation of the dying Earl of
Ormond Davis having concluded the business of the assizes went to spend
the Easter holidays with the old nobleman at Carrick-on-Suir Castle. He

(aj Stole Papers, 475-6. (bj Ibid.

50 History of Clonmel.

noted how the earl not being able to sit up during the festivity " had his
robes laid upon his bed as the manner is." He might also have noted a
polite if somewhat shy dependant resorting to the castle and well received
there. This was the Jesuit, Father Walter Wall, who the previous year had
reconciled Ormond to the Catholic church, and had been told off to remain
until the end.

The persecution continued unabated through the year. Towards the end
of August Brouncker again visited the town and tried to force the sovereign
and principal burgesses to accompany him to the Protestant service. They
stubbornly refused. John White fitz Geoffry was accordingly deprived of
the sovereignty, while on 29th September Samuel Newse, sergeant-at-arms,
compelled those put under trial at the spring assizes to surrender in Cork.
In this instance the accounts we have are from the Catholic side. Fr. Bryan
Kearney wrote to the secretary of the Jesuits.

A cousin of his grace [Lombard, Catholic Primate of Armagh] the brother of Fr.
Thomas White S.J. was deprived of the sovereignty of Clonmel because he would not
go to church with the president {c). So also was Mr. John Bray and Mr. Edmund
Wall. These with nine other Clonmel and Cashel citizens are kept in Cork gaol ever
since to the very great loss of their business {d).

A fuller relation is furnished by Christopher Holliwood, Jesuit superior
at the time.

The principal inhabitants and the chief magistrate of Clonmel were summoned
before the president and strongly urged to obey the proclamation. They point blank
refused and declared they had rather lose all they had even their lives. They were
twice summoned to Cork but disobeyed and when the sergeant at arms compeU^ them
in the King's name to go, they were insulted, called traitors, fined and lodged in prison
where they are still confined. The heroism of the mayor [sovereign] shone out
conspicuously as did that of another who lost his position for the cause ; a great friend
of ours who is the head man of the whole place also signalized himself. The property
of these men as well as of the people of Cashel has been confiscated and the rest of the
town folk are so intimidated that there is no business going on in the place, (e).

How long the burghers were kept in prison we have no means of
knowing. In July the following year, 1607, the Earl of Thomond and Sir
Richard Morrison were empowered to release the recusant Catholics upon
their own recognizances. " All of them," wrote Chichester, " were accordingly
set at liberty except fourteen whereof eight are of Clonmel, four of Cork and
two of Kinsale who are still restrained because they obstinately refuse to
enter into that bond " (fj.

(c) This was John White, whose mother Anastasia Comerford, of VVaterford, was aunt of
Lombard.

^//^ Hibemia Ignatiana, rtf/ aw«. Ed. E. Hogan, Dublin, 188 1. ^c^ Ibid.

(f) State Papers II., 246. The outbreaks of persecution were only limited by diplomatic
urgency as when the Spanish marriage negociations were on foot.

History of Clonmel. 51

But these were only the beginning of sorrows. While the Ormonds
retained the Palatinate, the Catholics of Tipperary experienced merely
occasional outbursts. When, however, James I. seized on the liberties and
imprisoned Walter, eleventh Esir\,(g) they felt the full stress of the storm.
The King's judges now came circuit to Clonmel, and at each assizes the Act
2 Elizabeth was given in charge. By this Act everyone was bound to attend
the Protestant service in his parish church every Sunday and holiday. The
penalty for absence was I2d. which in practice came to lOs, through the cost
of the levy. The names of the recusants — those who refused to go to
church — were furnished by the Protestant ministers, and bills of indictment
were framed thereon. But the Grand Jurors being at this period all Catholics,
refused to take part in the persecution of their co-religionists and threw out
the bills. The law was now set in motion against the Jurors themselves.
Proceedings were taken in the Court of Castle or Star Chamber in Dublin
before the Lord Deputy, a few Protestant bishops and lawyers. The result
we gather from a register of the Court which has only recently come to
light (hi

1612 November 20. Edmund Butler of Cloghicullyn and Jeffrey Mockler of
Ballynatten being the leaders of a Grand Jury impanelled at Cashell Co. Crosse
Tipperary last July before Lord Chief Justice Walshe and Sergeant John Beare Justices
of Assize — to pay a fine of forty pounds apiece and the rest of the Jury thirty pounds
apiece English money and all of them to be imprisoned during pleasure for refusing to
present recusants.

The foreman, Butler of CloughcuUy, as uncle of the then Lord Cahir and
direct ancestor of the present Lady Charteris, might have paid the fiine
without difficulty, but to many of the poorer gentlemen it meant half their
income.

1613 May 7. James Braye, William Brenocke, Walter O'Mulryan and Thomas
White members of a Jury impanelled in February last at Clonmell in the county of the
liberty of Tipperary before Chief Baron Methwolde and Garrald Leather esq., Justice
of Common Pleas as Justices of Assize — to pay a fine of £40 English apiece and to be
imprisoned during pleasure for refusing to join with the rest of the jury in presenting
as recusants those inhabitants of Clonmell certified as such by the minister of the
parish.

May 7. — Pierce Butler of Knockgraffon, Richard Purcell of Loughmoe and John
Tobin of Killogh members of a Jury impanelled at Clonmel in February last before
Chief Baron Methwolde and Justice Leather— to pay a fine of £200 English apiece and
the rest of the jury £40 apiece and all of them to be imprisoned at pleasure for refusing
to present as recusants divers of the parishioners of Lisronagh upon the testimony of
one Dybsall, a minister, having no other reason to give but that it was against their
conscience which answer this Court did absolutely reject and disallow.

(gji Called for his piety " Walter of the Rosary."

(h) Manuscripts of the Earl of Egmont, vol. i. — Hist. MSS. Comsn.

52 History of Clonmel.

1616 November 22. William Mansell of Cattellyastowne, Rory O'Kennedy of
Killeny, Gefifry Mockler of Mocklerstown, Nicholas Sause of Sawcestown, John
O'Meagher of Clonekenny and Edmond Com)m of Tulloghmayne — members of a grand
jury impanelled at Clonmell before Sir John Blennerhasset and Richard Bolton
esquire — to pay a fine of £20 English apiece and to be imprisoned at pleasure for
refusing to present recusants.

November 22. Thomas Butler of Moretowne and Thomas Stapleton of Lynes-
town — grand jurors impanelled at Cashell, Co. Crosse Tipperary, before Baron
Blenerhasset and Richard Bolton esq — to pay a fine of £20 apiece and John O'Dwyer
of Dundrum also of the said jury also to pay a fine of £\\ for refusing to present
recusants.

Occasionally as the jurors were unable to pay the fines, the following
ingenious method of punishment was devised.

1617 July 4. Richard Wall, John McKeogh, Owen Boy McKeogh and James Glynn
Co. Crosse Tipperary — members of a grand jury impanelled at Cashell before Sir John
Blenerhasset and Justice Sparke — to pay fines of £5 apiece, be imprisoned during
pleasure, and to make full acknowledgment of their offence with papers on their heads
in the four courts of Dublin, and at the next general Assizes in Co. Crosse Tipperary
for refusing to join with the rest of the jury to present recusants.

We further order that in regard of their poverty the Lord Deputy remits the fines.

1617. July 4 Edmond O'Hedyn, Phillip English, Piers Comyn and John Mother of
the county of the liberty of Tipperary, being grand jurors impanelled in the said county
in this year 1617 before Sir John Blenerhasset and Justice Sparke — to pay a fine of 5
marks apiece, and to be imprisoned during pleasure for the like offience, the fine having
been lessened in regard of the service the said persons had done in causing to be
apprehended a notorious murderqr.

16 17 Nov. 7. Boetius McEgan of Sesseraghkell Co. Cross Tipperary being one of a
grand jury impanelled before Chief Baron Methwolde and Sir John Blenerhasset at Cashell
in September last — to pay a fine of £\0 and to be imprisoned during pleasure for
refusing to present recusants.

November 12. Piers Butler Fitz Walter of Nodstown(i) Piers Hackett of
Ballytrasny and John O'Kennedy of Lackine, members of a grand jury impanelled
before the above named justices at Clonmell in September last — to pay fines of ^^30
apiece, and John Keating of Nicholstowne, Teige O'Mullryan of Lysnesilly, Rory
O'Kennedy of Ballyneclogh, James Mamell of Lysnemrocke and Edmond O'Hedyne of
Mojmard all Co. Tipperary, being likewise members of the said jury, fines of £20 apiece
and all of them to be imprisoned during pleasure for refusing to present recusants.

1618 May 8. Piers Com)me, Richard Prendergast, James, Theobald, William and
Thomas Butler of the county of the liberty of Tipperary, members of a jury impanelled
before the Chief Baron of Exchequer and Baron Blenerhasset in the said County, to pay
fines of £50 sterling apiece, to be imprisoned during pleasure and to give bonds for the
public acknowledgment of their guilt for the like offence.

May 8. Nicholas Boyton, Redmond Racket and Richard Butler members of a
grand jury sworn before the Chief Baron and Baron Blenerhasset at Cashell Co. Cross
Tipperary — to pay fines — Boyton (being the ringleader) lOO marks sterling and the
other two £50 sterling apiece — ^to be imprisoned during pleasure and to give bond for
the public acknowledgment of their guilt for refusing to present recusants.

By another section of the Act 2 Elizabeth, all judges, justicers, mayors or
other lay or temporal oflScers on entering office were to take an oath before

(i) Grandson of James, 9th Earl of Ormond.

History of Clonmel. 53

persons duly constituted for that purpose, testifying that the King was the
only supreme governor of the realm, as well in spiritual and ecclesiastical as
in temporal things, and utterly renouncing all foreign jurisdiction. As the
Catholic magistracy would not put this law in operation, the Coiut of Castle
Chamber proceeded to enforce it.

1616 May 8. Bennet White, Mayor of Clonmell, to be fined £20 and imprisoned
during pleasure for executing his office without having taken the oath of supremacy.

November 13. Piers Bray late bailiff of Clonmell, to be fined £lO English money
for executing the office of bailiff without having taken the oath of supremacy.

The High Sheriff for that year was more fortunate.

November 20. Upon information that William O'Mara sheriff of Co. Tipperary
has exercised his office without taking the oath of supremacy etc.

Decree remitting the offence as it appears that the sheriff of Co. Tipperary hath
been nominated and appointed by the Earls of Ormond in former times and none of
them have had the oath of supremacy offered unto them.

. Towards the close of the reign of James I. the persecution was somewhat
relaxed. In 1624 Falkland wrote to Secretary Conway that the news of the
negociation of the Spanish marriage had emboldened the towns to elect
recusant mayors. " As their confidence," he said, " has made them presume
so my doubtfulness made me wink and forbear to question them for it" The
following year, however, as the negociations had failed a commission was
sped to Sir Edward Villiars, President of Munster, Lords Cork and Kinsale,
and the justices of assize to administer the oath of supremacy to the mayors,
sheriffs, recorders and bailiffs of every city and corporate town in Munster
and bind them with sufficient security to appear before the Lord Deputy and
Council (j).

Besides religious persecution there was throughout this period another
great and growing cause of discontent. The Ulster Plantation had been
successful beyond all expectation. Irish officials and British statesmen
congratulated one another that the province in the conquest of which in
Elizabeth's time so much blood and treasure had ^een poured out in vain,
was now a prosperous English settlement. Plantations accordingly, which
hitherto had been carried on sporadically and at rare intervals, now became
matters of settled policy. " Having found by experience," wrote King James
to the Lord Deputy St. John, " that plantations in that kingdom are the only
ordinary means to reduce the people to civility and religion, I am the more
desirous to see them proceeded in with due diligence and care " (k), "These
plantations," it was urged, " tend to bring in law and order, to banish Irish

(f) May 30th, 1 Chas. I. (k) State Papers, 26th Feb., 1620.

54 History of Clonmel.

customs, to disappoint foreign expectations, to assure the better sort to the
Crown by valuable estates which they will not willingly risk " (I). In l6lO
the plantation was begun of the part of Wexford lying between the Slaney
and the sea, and the subsequent years plantations followed in Longford,
Queen's County, Leitrim, Westmeath and Wicklow. The Irish in the several
territories were driven to the hills or bogs, care being taken to send abroad
large numbers of the able-bodied to the armies of Spain, Germany and
Poland (m). The English were then settled in the arable and pasture land
where, secured by strong houses, by turreted and looped bawns, they bade
defiance to the pauperized, hunger-broken natives. Towards the close of
1621 the plantation of North Tipperary was projected, but as there were
enough of plantations already on hand, for ten years nothing was done.
Meanwhile the alluvial lands of the Shannon and the rich pastures of Nenagh
were not lost sight of ; noblemen at court and fortune seekers in Ireland
alike contending for allotments. The Earl of Carlisle, Lord Holland, the
Chancellor of Scotland, Lord Dorchester were all petitioners for lands in
Upper and Lower Ormond. Lady Bingley appealed to the king, while Lord
Norton, impatient at the delay, besought Secretary Nicholas to go on with
the plantation forthwith. On the other hand the old " servitors " in Ireland
who had marked these lands for their own, could not look on with
indifference. They represented to the Privy Council that the lands should
not be granted to great men who would not sit down upon them, that very
few should be allotted above 500 acres, and each undertaker should be tied
to residence and building answerable to his proportion (n). Then Lord
Esmond suggested there might be land enough for all if in addition to the
two baronies of Ormond there was a plantation of Owney and Arra,
Kilnelougarty, Ikerrin and Kilnemanagh. He concluded by enclosing a
list of the ploughlands, the approximate acreage, and a map of the whole.
Throughout all this dividing of the bear's skin, little notice was taken of the
bear's growl. Walter Earl of Ormond complained bitterly that his family
had held these lands since " Harry the Second's time " when they were
granted to suppress the enemies of the crown. "I hope," he added, " I shall
not be the first of the English to be ranked with the Irish and to be
replanted " (0). Similarly Richard Grace, descended from a branch of the
family of Raymond le Gros, settled in Tipperary from the days of King
John, found himself in 1637 ousted from his estate by legal chicane. He

(I) Lord Deputy and Council to the Privy Council 6th Feb., 1620, Ibid.

(m) The State Papers of the period are full of notices of the transport of Irish to foreign service.
(n) " Advice concerning the Plantation of Upper and Lower Ormond." This paper belongs to
the period 1629- 163 1, and is misplaced by the Editors among the papers of James I., pp. 378-9.
(o) Ormond to Dorchester, Carrick, Jan. 5th, 163 1. State Papers, p. 597.

History of Clonmel. 55

appealed to the king for redress. Lord Falkland, he said, shortly before
death was about petitioning his Majesty in his (Grace's) favour. His enemies
are all powerful and he cannot " wage " law against them and therefore
prays the king to order the Lord Strafford to do him justice (p). But instead
of justice the dispossessed Irish were treated to playful scorn. In August
1637, the Deputy came to Clonmel in connexion with the plantation.

"The business we came about is most happily ended and his Majesty now entitled
to the two goodly countries of Ormond and Clare, and which beauties and seasons the
work exceedingly, with all possible contentment and satisfaction of the people. In all
my whole life did I never see or could possibly believe to have found men with so much
alacrity divesting themselves of all property in their estates and waiting to see what
the king will do for them. They have all along to the uttermost of their skill and
breeding given me very great expressions of their esteem and affection. Oratory hath
abundantly magnified itself through these excellent pieces we have heard, one at
Carlow, three at Kilkenny, two very deadly long ones at Clonnmel. Architecture and
invention not asleep as appeared in their arch triumphais with their ornaments and
inscriptions " (q).

But loyal addresses and triumphal arches had as little effect in staying
the plantation as petitions for justice. Strafford's visit only deepened the
discontent, and left to the people the sole hope of the sword (r).

We have now reached the turning point in the history of Clonmel. The
Anglo-Norman colony of William De Burgh which for four hundred years
amid hostile influences had preserved " English habits, customs and laws,"^^^
was soon to give way to another colony opposed to it in everything except
language. It is well, therefore, to note a few aspects of the old town which
still in a large degree retained its medieval character.

If a line be drawn through Dowd's Lane, Richmond Street, Charles
Street, William Street, Dispensary Street and New Street it will roughly
mark the site of the ancient fortifications. They may be still traced in
several places, especially in St. Mary's churchyard where they form the north
and west boundaries. At the end of Dowd's Lane on the river edge, stood a
circular embattled tower ; two other towers of a similar character stood nearly
opposite the present Abbey Street. A heavy quadrangular structure called
" The Bastion " at the Watergate, a circular tower on the old Quay, and the

(f) Ibid.

(q) Strafford to Ix>rd Conway, 21st Aug., 1637. State Papers.

(r) " Philip O'Dwyre of Dounedromore a gentleman of such quality and estate that he could not
brook the reviling language of Sir William St. I^ger and seeing the Irish estates exposed to men of
meane birth who aimed to raise estates by the mine of innocents so that Sir W. Parsons and the
Earl of Corke who within this sixty years past coming as naked lads here without either friends,
meanes or learning were glad in the service of one Kenny the Escheator General to earn their
livelihood in his menial service wherein they learnt those tricks acquiring by hooke and crooke lands,
offices and livings that they were shortly after the ablest men for riches in the kingdom."

"Memorialls of the Warr begun n in 1641 wrote by Mr. Kearney in the Co. of Tipperary,
Feby. 1657." Carte Papers, Ixiv.

(s) Charter of James I.

56 History of Clonmel.

South Gate at the extremity of Bridge Street formed the defences of the town
on that side (t). The bridge which was carried in three sections over " Great
Island " and " Goat Island " was very picturesque with its bold projecting
piers and saw-shaped battlements. But the narrow causeway was often
negociable only by means of the pier recesses (u). The mills and mansions
of Suir Island were represented in the seventeenth century by a solitary row
of houses. The east and north suburbs of the town contained together about
three score cabins, the great majority of those dwelling outside the walls
being resident in the Irishtown.

The most important thoroughfare of old Clonmel was 'The High Street '
which extended from Bridge Street to the Main Guard. At the end stood the
Town Cross where proclamations were issued, and payments "on the nail*'
made as being the safest place (v). From Bridge Street to the West Gate a
block of houses known as 'Middle Row' filled the present street. On either
side of this were narrow lanes; the one on the south which led to the West
Gate being called 'West Street or 'West Gate Street/ the corresponding one
being ' North Lane.' From the records of the Palatine court it appears that
two 'castles' stood in West Street; these probably were part of the
fortifications on the river side. Gordon Street had no existence, and Peter
Street which at the period contained a number of good houses, was termed
'Blind Street' from the fact that there was no gate in the town wall at its
western extremity. The present Mary Street was known in early times as
'Our Ladye Streete,' 'the Street of the Blessed Virgin Mary' or more simply
' St Mary Street ' (w). Many of the principal burghers, as at a later period,
lived there, and in Our Lady Street, Geoflfry Barron and his more
distinguished brother Bartholomew, first saw the light. The original name
of Gladstone Street was 'Lough Street,' the gate, which stood where it
narrows at the north end, being called 'Lough Gate,' and after the
Cromwellian assault 'Breech Gate.' It would seem that Market Street at

(i) John le BotiUer Earl of Ormoiid by Charter dated at Carrick Tuesday next before the Feast
of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary 1463 granted to the sovereign, provost, burgesses and
commons of Clonmel, licence to take customs of all merchandize coming for sale into the town
provided they be expended on the diligent care of the Southern Gate and the repair of the bridge
and walls.

(u) Through the development of the milling industry at the close of the i8th century the river
topography underwent several changes. The branch which runs from the Old Bridge by the side
of the road is artificial. The southern arm consisted of two branches one of which took a course
further south through the present " blind " arches thus forming the " Goaten Island."

(v) The Anglo-Irish always erected crosses in the market place to remind those who
resorted there to be conscientious in their dealings. Sometimes — e.g., Kilkenny — the striicture
consisted of a large lantern on which rested the cross proper. That of Clonmel seems to have been
a plain ashlar plinth surmounted by a cap bearing the cross. The cap or socket may still be seen
close to its ancient location adjoining the steps at Duncan Street.

(w) Will of Laurence Barron 1622, and Tipperary Palatine Fines, P.R.O.

' I

rl

. \ -V . I '

\ t'

<•! '.'•". -1 .a*

( »' ' J

•,:,•• ' . \J

History of Clonmel. 57

that time 3, cul de sac, was originally 'Moreton Street.' Subsequent to the
capture of Father Kenrachtin in the house of Victor White it was termed
' Martyr Lane ' fx). In Lough Street on the east side lived the senior branch
of the White family represented at this period by John White fitz Bennet.
The narrow street leading to the East Gate was styled ' Sheelane Street/ a
memorial probably of the old connexion of the town with Kilsheelan as the
joint property of Lord Richard De Burgh. There is however a spelling of
the name which suggests a different origin. On 4th May, 1602, Edmond
Bray petitioned for the enrollment of a deed whereby Richard Bray, burgess,
conveyed to Michael Bray eight tenements and a garden in 'Zilane ' Street 6^/
On the south side of High Street, the short wide street to the Water-gate
was styled 'Boate Street' — a common appellation in old English towns; the
lane parallel with it, subsequently called ' Blue Anchor Lane ' after a tavern
there, was 'the Shambles lane.' Where Quay Street is now built was in the
seventeenth century mere slobland and evil smelling at that ; for the town
sewer — an open one, was carried into the river there. The section of Clonmel
within the walls, cut off by Boat Street and Sheelan Street was originally
the 'site, circuit, and precinct' of the Gray Friars. Having been granted
at the dissolution to the Earl of Ormond and the Corporation in equal shares,
the latter during the reign of James I. leased to the Pagans, Whites and
Danills, several lots in Sheelan Street for building. The south side of that
street does not appear to have been previously built upon.

Sir John Davis, Attorney General for Ireland who spent some days in
Clonmel in 1606 describes it as " a well built and well kept town " (z). Most
of the houses were two storied and roofed with slate though at intervals might
be seen thatched houses, survivors of an earlier period. Even in 1666 the

(xf An Inquisition held at Cluntnd, 20 March 1622 before John Southwell, found James Bray
seized inter alia of one garden in Marter Lane in Lough Street. There are some interesting
references to this locality among the records. An Inquisition held in Clonmel 1568 before Edmund
Butler found that John Cantwell, once Archbishop of Cashel, was seized in fee of a messuage, a
garden and a house within the walls. That in March 20, Ed. IV. (1481) he granted said premises
to the College of the Church of Cashel to be held for said college by Robert Sail his heirs and
assignes. That the said premises are held in free burgage of the Earl of Desmond as of his Manor
of Clonmel for the yearly service of 2s. 3d., and licence for alienation was obtained neither from the
Earl nor from the King. That the Vicars Choral of the said college drew the profits from the date of
the feoffment until St. Patrick's Eve 1549 since which time Edmund Bray, burgess deceased, and
Michael Bray his son have done so in virtue of a feoffment made by the said vicars contrary to the
Statute of Mortmain. On the 5 May 1578 a grant of the whole was made to George Moore " in
consideration of his services during the wars in Scotland and Ireland." Moore seems to have
reconveyed the premises to Bray. In the grant they are described as " the messuage and garden lying
between the holding formerly of William Pagan on the north, the holdings formerly of Richard White,
Walter Wall, Henry White and Peter Hanraghan on the south, Logh Street on the west, and the
common wall of the town on the east. The house lying between the street late of Moreton on the
north, the holding formerly of Lawles on the south, Logh Street on the west, and the holding
formerly of Moreton on the east."

(y) Morrin Pat. Rol. II. 636.

(z) State Papers Jas. I. i p. 475.

58 History of Clonmel.

High Street itself contained seven (aa). Several houses especially in Lough
Street and Our Lady Street had gardens to the rere, while a few of the
burghers raised edifices which in size and character made pretension to feudal
castles (bb). In High Street to the right of the Shambles Lane was a structure
the various uses of which are quaintly set forth in the Survey of 1654. "The
stone house in the middle of the Towne in the South side. The upper part
whereof was formerly used for a guard house, the middle part thereof was
continually used by Butchers to sell meat and the Loer part thereof comonly
used for a Comon Goale which was alwayse time out of minde property
belonging to the Corporation and imployed to the uses afForesaid." Opposite
Bridge Street and forming the end of Middle Row stood " the county goale
and Town hall built over the same," a building round which gathered
many painful memories. Hither in 1 565 — to go no farther back, was brought
in triumph by Ormonde, the wounded Earl of Desmond. Two years later by
a kind of Nemesis, its doors closed on Edmund Butler, Ormond's own brother.
Towards the end of 1582 Eleanor the wife of the ill-fated Desmond, entered
it and only in January, 1 584 left, to suffer more extreme want and misery in
Dublin Castle. From it the following year was led out to execution Father
Maurice Kinrechtan. Peer and priest alike, the champions of a fallen cause
and a proscribed religion shared its horrors. Ascending St. Mary's Street a
few buildings of a different character were to be met. Adjoining the
church was the 'fFree school' where in the early seventeenth century an
excellent classical education was given. The Jesuits appear to have
conducted it for a while, and when distinguished personages visited the town
florid addresses in Latin hexameters were read by the pupil% Straflford was
bored in 1637 by " a deadly long one " but eight years before, Falkland and
his companion Boyle, Earl of Cork, were greatly impressed by some verses
recited by Bartholomew Barron. Close to the Free School was "a stone,
slate house, built about 1624 by the Commons of Clonmell, upon a part of
their Common land, and sett apart for an Hospitall for old, impotent, decayed
inhabitants of Clonmell." This owed its existence to the charity of James
White fitz Robert whose will dated 29th June, 1622 contains the bequest
" Item I will, bequeath and demise of the moneyes due to me of John fitz
Gerald of Dromany in the County of Waterford Esqr towards the building of
the poore house or hospitall in Clonmell aforesaid the sum of fortie pounds
ster"^rrA Nor were the * impotent and decayed' inmates forgotten by the
citizens. For example, Sir James Goeghe of Kilmanahan in 1628 ordered his

(aa) Ormond Patent.

(bb) Remains of these may be seen to the rere of Quay Street and Collets Lane.

(cc) Prerogat. Wills P.R.O.

History of Clonmel. 69

executors " to divide six barrells of good conditioned maite — three of oaten
and three of barley, and four barrells of good wheat by just porcions at
Christmas and Easter yearly to the Master and poore of the poore house of
Clonmell." Perhaps among the quaint charities of the time the most
noteworthy is that contained in the will of James White : —

Itm, After my wife's decease I doe will, leaue and devise to my nephew James Bray,
his heirs, assignes for ever, my dwellinge house in Clonmell with all the shoppes, sellers,
and roomes thereof and the furnass of the said house; the Garden in Our La: Streete
now John Stritches house and the highe Gardayne in the west suburbs. The said James
Bray his heirs and assignes, maintayneing a light in a fare [fair] lanteme on dark
nyghtes, in the comer of my saide house for my perpetuall memorie and remembraunce.

Here we take leave of Anglo-Norman Clonmel and its old world
inhabitants.

Ohapxe^r v.

WAR OF 1641 AND SIEGE OF CLONMEU

eARLY in November, 1641, report reached Tipperary that the Irish of
Ulster were up in arms, and the planters and their families in full
flight to the sea ports (dd). When two weeks later it was learned
that the Cavanaghs in Wexford and the O'Farrells in Longford,
had re-possessed themselves of their old homes, the news stirred many a
drooping heart throughout the two baronies of Ormond. Butlers and
O'Kennedys, Graces and Mac Egans, rejoiced that plantations were at an
end and their homes were now secure. Some of the more adventurous
spirits made a raid on the cattle of one William Kingsmill in the parish of
Ballysheehan, north of Cashel, where he and his brother-in-law Sir William
St. Leger had begun a little settlement on their own account. Sir William
pursued the raiders with two troops of horse, determined to create a salutary
terror. Four labourers were hanged at Grange, eight at Galbertstown, six at
Ballymurren. Captain Peisley, Sir William's lieutenant burnt houses whole-
sale and shot several persons at Golden and Ardmaile. These proceedings
lashed the country into fury and the people were with difficulty restrained

(dd) The venerable historical tiction, " the Massacre of 1641 " is finally disposed of by the last
volumes of the State Papers Calendar, Ireland, Chas. I. Ed. Mahafify. Some English were murdered
in Cashel ; the original Depositions on the affair were published by J. D. White, of Cashel. The
bulk of the new settlers in Tipperary were sent under convoy to Carrick and Clonmel. " I have
been present in Carrick in the year 1641, where I have seen in the said house of Carrick five
families men, women and children, relieved by the Countess of Ormond at her own loss and chai'ge,
being after losing their goods. She sent for me and employed me to speak to those I trusted, to
conduct her to Kilkenny, but altered her course then to Clonmell where there was no less than forty
of the English for safeguard of their lives (which absolutely were men lost but for her great care of
them) and brought them and such others as she met, safe to Kilkenny." — Attestation of Richard
Comerford, of Dangin More, Ormonde Papers, 2 ser. ii., 368.

History of Clonmel. 6i

from bursting into open rebellion. Thomas Butler of Kilconnell, Richard
Butler of Bansha, Philip O'Dwyer of Dundrum and others, went on 1st
December to Clonmel to remonstrate with the president. They were told
they were all rebels themselves, that none of them could be trusted and that
some should be hanged as an example to the rest. In sullen discontent they
retired to their homes; they watched the gathering storm and when late in
December Lords Gormanstown, Fingall, Slane and Trimlestown appeared in
arms they responded to the call and put themselves at the head of the people.
The scenes that followed were stirring and picturesque. Word was sent
round the tenantry to meet the master in the castle bawn. Some came armed
with implements of husbandry, some with Irish skians, a few retainers had
fowling pieces, and a brace of flint locks were brought out of the house where
they had lain in rust since the days of Elizabeth. Ball was made from lead
stripped off the roof but powder there was next to none. The commissariat
arrangements consisted of the herd of cattle which was driven with the troop,
while for camping there was the large freize caddow or blanket, which folded
on the horse, served also as a saddle. Such was the army of the Confederates
as it took the field. One of the English refugees thus describes the first acts
of war.

This part remained two months quiet after all the rest had revolted and we
concluded good hopes of its continuance till about twelve days before Christmas when
rebels out of Leinster came in and disturbed our hoped security. The Lord President
was not idle all this while but having secured Cork (the most remarkable place of his
province) the best he could in the extreme want of men, money, amunition with
three troops of horse and fifty musketters (a bold attempt) he fell upon Waterford and
Tipperary and within a few days destroyed about 6oo of the rebels without the loss of
one man and having visited the cities of Waterford and Cashel with the towns of
Clonemell and Carrig he returned to his house at Downeraile Dec. 23. But ere the
holidays were half spent Richard Butler brother to the Earl of Ormond, Purcel Baron
Loghmoh, Philip O'Dwyer great men in Tipperary revolted, the city of Cashel, townes
of Clonemell Fedder, Carrig etc. did the like and suddenly the lords of Dunboine and
Cahir with that whole country turned rebels (ee).

It was not without misgiving that the people of Clonmel entered upon the
war. But for the disabilities for office and the occasional outbursts of
religious persecution they had few grievances. Some such as Henry White,
Pierce Bray and James Fennell, regarded with suspicion any alliance with
the native Irish. They had much to lose, and therefore held entirely aloof.
Others, like Geoflfry Barron, were enthusiastic in the cause, and swayed by
religious motives were prepared to put their whole fortune at hazard. The
great bulk of the citizens apparently were passive (ff). And so in the

(ee) Henry Rugge to John Smith, Youghal 10 Aug., 1642. Cholmondeley Papers, Hist. MSS.
Comsn.

(ff) This I gather from a report of John Walsh to Ormonde, Carte Papers, Bodleian xljv,

62 History of Clonmel.

beginning of January, 1642, the keys of the town were handed over by the
mayor, John White, to the Irish commander, Richard Butler, of Kilcash (gg).
One of the first acts of the confederates in Clonmel, as in the other towns,
was to give possession of the old churches to the Catholics. Thomas White
was duly instituted Catholic Vicar of St. Mary's, where members at his family
had long ministered, and where many generations of them lay buried. The
Franciscans entered again into their abbey, and people wondered at seeing
for the first time their strange habits and sandals. The civil administration
of the town was left undisturbed, but the citizens were applotted according to
their capacity, for the carrying on of the war. By the end of March the whole
province, with the exception of the Earl of Cork's territory and a few towns,
was in the hands of the Irish, yet it was felt that without foreign aid they
could neither effectively assault the towns that remained hostile, nor even
hold what they had conquered. Accordingly representatives were sent
abroad to solicit arms, money and supplies. Geoffry Barron who had
considerable experience in public affairs and was a skilled linguist, went as
envoy accompanied by Fr. O'Hartegan to Richelieu and the French court.
His mission was an entire success. The nuncio in Paris furnished large sums
of money. Richelieu encouraged the Irish officers in the French service to
return to the help of their country, and some fourteen ships were fitted out at
St. Malo, Nantes and Rochelle with cannon, small arms, ammunition and
military stores. On the 24th October, 1642, the confederate parliament met
in Kilkenny, the representatives for Clonmel being John White and Geoffry
Barron. A provisional government was established with an executive and
judicature ; ambassadors were accredited to foreign states, a mint was set
up and a broad seal struck — " United for God, King and Fatherland " (Pro
Deo Rege et Patria Hiberni Unanimes). Meanwhile the quarrel in England
between Charles and the Parliament developed apace ; civil war broke out
with the battle of Edge Hill, 23rd October, and the Irish belligerents were
left to themselves to fight out their own issue. Many of the Anglo-Irish
who had entered reluctantly into the struggle, now saw in the King's
difficulties an opportunity to escape, if only some guarantees for their estates
and religion could be obtained. Accordingly in the concluding session of
the General Assembly in November, 1642, a petition to the King was framed
setting forth the Puritan schemes for the extirpation of the Irish by
plantations, the exclusion of the natives from civil and military employment,
judicial partizanship, denial of education, in all which they sought redress.

(g^) He was brother of Ormond, and direct ancestor of the present marquess. '• He had such
influence over his followers that he kept them not only from bloodshed but plunder, and his noble
disposition was acknowledged even by his enemies." — Gilbert, History of Confederation.

History of Clonmel. 63

The Queen also was petitioned to use her influence for peace. By commission
dated January nth, 1643, Ormond, Clanrickard, Roscommon and others, were
empowered to treat with the Irish. The great part of the year, however,
passed in alternate war and negociation, and only in September a year's
armistice was agreed upon. Immediately commissioners were despatched by
the Confederate Catholics to Oxford, where the King was, to discuss the terms
of peace. The Puritan party on the other hand took alarm ; two deputations
— one from the Lord Justices, the other from the general body — went over,
and every effort was made to defeat the proposals. At home, in order " to
give all the opposition possible to the mischievous design " of the peace, early
in July, Inchiquin, Broghill, Fenton and Smith, expelled the Irish residents in
Cork, Youghal and Kinsale, and broke the armistice. As this drew kn angry
remonstrance from the Irish, the following disingenuous reply was sent : —

To our worthy freinds the Maior Bailiffs and Commonalities of the towne of Clonmel.

The intelligence which we have received from severall good hands of your owne
party of your bad intentions towards us and ye new levyes of souldiers lately made in
all parts of the province and ye calling back of part of your army lately advanced
northward against the Scots without the last show of danger towards you giveth us
just grounds to apprehend that you intend to ceaze upon our garrison towns and
consequently (guessing at the subsequently your former proceedings) to cutt us off and
destroy us the Protestants of this province. This very consideration hath prevayled
with us to draw us for our owne defence nott with a purpose to offend any of the Irish
quarters,. [Meanwhile] we forbear all acts of hostility on both sides and continue that
quiett commerce which formerly was betwixt us and by allowing you to buy in our
townes such wares as you please (and we can spare) and you by sending to our marketts
such commodities as you think fitt for which you shall receive ready money. Thus
expectinge your positive answer herein wee remayne your loving friends as we find
you,

Broghill, W. Fenton, Percy Smyth.

The discussions which arose on the conduct of the war, and more
especially the peace negociations, brought out the diverse aims of the
Confederates and eventually broke them into irreconcilable factions. The
southern or Anglo-Irish, by tradition and blood allied to England,
merely contended for security in their estates, political equality and
religious toleration. The northern or old . Irish owed no allegiance to
the crown, aimed at undoing the Ulster plantation, and were hostile in
principle to the English and their religion. The influence of the Catholic
Church, especially after the arrival of Rinuccini, papal nuncio, was almost
entirely on the side of the north. To this influence we may trace the
support which the people of Clonmel gave that party throughout the war. Sir
Richard Bellings, secretary to the Confederate Council, complained bitterly
that Clonmel was entirely devoted to the nuncio and " the rendevous of all
the turbulent spirits in the province " (hh). When in August 1646 a treaty

(Ml) Hiberniae, Desiderata Curiosa \\. 436.

64 History of Clonmel.

was concluded between Ormond and the Anglo-Irish, the heralds proclaiming
the peace were refused admission into the town and a month later the gates
were shut against Ormond himself. Only two prominent citizens, John
White fitz Bennet and Thomas White fitz Richard declared themselves in
favour of the Treaty (ii). Nor was the confidence reposed in the Ulstermen
undeserved, for more than once they saved the town from pillage, perhaps
massacre. "On the 3rd May" [1647] says Cox "Inchiquin drew out 1500
horse and as many foot and took Dromana and Cappoquin and on the lOth
of May he took Dungarvan and if his provisions had lasted he designed to
besiege Clonmell but the want of victualls and carriages which has been
fatal to most of the martiall undertakings in Ireland did also force him to
return to Cork " (jj). As the want of victuals was the very reason Inchiquin
should establish himself in a fruitful country, the account given by Owen
Roe O'Neill's secretary appears more trustworthy. " The Councell did send
orders vnto the Generall [Owen Roe] to relieve Clonmell, with all expedition
in obedience hereof [he] marched both day and night with his field pieces
untill arriving to Ballinakelly in Leyse upwards of 24 miles a mightie march
of a great armie Insichuyne advertised hereof raised his siedge and marched to
his owne quarters though 30 miles between him and the Catholic Generall "^tt/
Again some months later when after the capture of Cahir Castle and the
sack of Cashel all Tipperary lay at the feet of Inchiquin, Clonmel was safe
for within it was a regiment of 1500 "red shanks" and its governor the
redoubtable Alexander McDonnell (U),

During the years 1648-9 as the English Puritans gained the ascen-
dency, and especially after the execution of the King, the sevisral royalist
parties were driven to make common cause, and so we find Ormond
received in Clonmel with the honour due to the King's representative.
Stranger still in November 1649, Inchiquin " Murrough the Incendiary " spent
several days in the town concerting measures for the recovery of Carrick from
his former friends the puritans. But the differences between Protestant and
Catholic royalists were too fundamental ; there was no loyal co-operation,
and the subsequent campaign against Cromwell is a painful record of
treachery and disaster. The one man of consummate military capacity who,
trusted by Ormond and the Irish alike, might have led the forlorn hope, died
as the campaign opened — Owen Roe O'Neill.

The feeling in Clonmel during the months of September and October,
1649, as the reports of Cromwellian successes were brought in, must have

(ii) Carte Papers xliv.

(jj) Hiberniae Angltcana I. 196.

/**; Aphorismical Discovery, Ed. Gilbert.

(II) The " Colquitlo" of Sir Waller Scott's Legend of Montrose.

History of Clonmel. 66

been one of profound despair. But there was no panic ; the massacres of
Drogheda and Wexford had the only effect they could have on brave men —
the stern resolve to sell their lives dearly. Early in November having learned
that Cromwell was across the Barrow and marching south through county
Kilkenny, a meeting of the citizens was held and a letter despatched to
Ormond.

May it please your Excellency,

I am commanded by the Counsel] and Commons of this towne to represent unto
your Excellency their apprehension of the present daunger threatened by the rebells
and that your Excellency wilbe pleased to look upon them his faythfull subiectes, resolued
to spend their blood in defence of their religion, Kinge and country, and being of
themselues unable to withstand the fury of so mercilesse an enemy, your Excellency
wilbe pleased to direct a present reliefe of men to be sent into them. Understanding
that a considerable party of the army are yet in this province and in their march to the
campe I made bould (being thereunto encouradged by John Walshe who ioyned with
me in a letter) to write vnto the Major general! to direct them hither, undertaking to
procure your Excellencies orders for him to that purpose, which we hope the necessity
at hand will in your Excellencies favorable construction excuse our bouldness and be a
motive to grant your present orders according our engadgement.

The poverty of this towne is well knowen, and therfore unable to ma3rteyne any
considerable number. It is therfor ther humble request your Excellencie wilbe pleased
to direct Martin Laffan the receiver, to pay them from tyme to tyme and upon his
fayler, the Collonell to be employed hither to have power to raise his meanes from the
adiacent baronyes or where he may in the country, to be abated vnto them in their
publique dues and that your Excellency wilbe further pleased to graunt your orders for
reimbursinge vnto the inhabitaunts of this tovme whatever they shall happen to be out
of purse for the mayntenance of that partie all which I represent to your Excellency
and humbly take leave beinge

Your Ex. most faithfuU servt.
Clonmell 10 November 1649. John White, Maior of Clonmell.

They humbly desire that the Collonell or Commander of the party may with 300
men march ymediatly into the towne and that the rest maybe in some neere guarrizons to
be brought in if necessity shall require it. John White B[ennet] Maior of Clonmell (mm).

The letter had the desired effect, Colonel Oliver Stephenson's regiment
being ordered to take up quarters. But though Stephenson and his soldiers
had formed part of the old confederate army, they were not altogether
trusted; Lord Antrim, who was in the town, suggested that the Ormond-
Inchiquin party were in secret alliance with the puritans, and accordingly
the mayor and townsfolk refused to keep " watch and ward " upon the walls
and gates under Stephenson as governor. While this dispute was going on
Reynolds had seized Carrick for Cromwell. The mayor wrote to Ormond : —

May it please your Excellencye

Being assured by the testimonie of divers witnesses of the sudden takinge of
Carricke for want of vigilancie by a partye of Cromwells horse, havinge acted some
bloddye execution upon some of the townsmen and garrison there whereof some came

(mm) Endorsed to his Excel!, the Marquesse of Ormond Lord Lieutanant, generaU of Ireland
These present— Carte Papers, Bodleian, Oxford, vol. 26.

F

66 History of Clonmel.

into this towne, having further intimated (whereof some scouts employd from this towne
brought mee intelligence) that a partye of Cromwells foot have likewise advanced as
far as Carricke the afternoon of the date hereof, the horse having come thither in the
morning ; of all which I thought fitt to give your Excellencye notice being not as
stronge as I could wish yett I hope in God that the townsmen and garrison having this
day joyned by a solemne protestation and oath in a union for God, Kinge and countrye,
and defense of this towne to the uttermost of their power, will be able to oppose and
meete the enemyes designes if the bodye of your Excellencyes armie be uppon their
backe, which is expected with all expedition (no lesse being your Excellencyes care) by

Your Ex. most humbl servt.
Clonmel the 20th of November, 1649 (nn), John White B. Maior of Clonmell.

The following day the mayor again wrote to Ormond,

May it please your Excellencye

I have understood that Collonell Stephenson writt vnto your Excell : for
commaunding the keys of this corporation into his own hands and giving the
wathword and engaginge the townsmen at his disposall upon service, I thought fitt to
intimat vnto your Excellencye that if your Excellencye had sent the Collonell orders to
be factotum in these partes, that it may begett a rupture between the townsmen and the
garison, I shall therefore humbly desire that your Excellencye may be pleased that I
may enjoye my Keys, joyne in the wathword and that the captains of the towne together
with the Collonell and his chiefe officers, may by their joynt adveise dispose the
townsmen and garison uppon service which is the humble suite and sense of your
Excellencyes

Most humbl servt.
Clonmell 21 Novr 1649. John White B. Maior of Clonmell (00).

At the end of the month, Ormond came to Clonmel to arrange winter
quarters for the royalist forces ; the townsfolk had the satisfaction of seeing
Stephenson and his pseudo garrison of Clare peasants removed to make way
for men whose fighting qualities were beyond question. These were two
regiments belonging to the old army of Owen Roe O'Neill, and commanded
by one of his ablest lieutenants, Hugh Duff O'Neill. In their train, however,
came two troops of horse under Colonel Edmund Fennell, of Ballygriffin, who
were destined to play a sinister part in subsequent events. Perhaps there
was some instinctive suspicion of the new comers, for a few days later the
mayor wrote complaining of the additional burthen they imposed on the town.
Ormond replied : —

After our harty commendacons, wee have receaved your letter of the llth of this
instant and doe hereby assure you that as it was the necessitie that appeered vnto
us for placeinge horse in that place being a frontier, occasioned our sendinge Lt.
Collonel Fenell thither with the horse you mention so shall wee speedily imploy our
best endeavours for the ease of the corporation to their satisfacion and have herewith
written to Major generall Hugh 0*Neale to afford thereunto what ease he possibly may .
And soe wee bid you hartily farwell from Kilkenny this 19th of December 1649 your
very lovinge freind

Maior of Clonmell Ormonde (pp),

(tin) Carte Papers, vol. 26.

(00) Ibid.

(pp) Carte Papers vol. 142.

History of Clonmel. 67

On the same date O'Neill was written to.

Having receved a letter of the i Ith of this month from the Maior of that corporacion
expressinge their greevances by reason of the multiplicitie of the souldiers there, wee
think fitt heerby to pray you to afford them what ease you may by manning the castles
adjacent with some of the foote now engarrisoned there, wee intendinge as soone as it
shalbe possible to ease them to their satisfaccon And so we bid you hartily farewell
from Kilkenny Castle the 19th of December 1649, your lovinge freind

Major genall Hugh O'Neal. Ormond (qq).

In accordance with these instructions O'Neill certified as follows : —

Imprimis, sent 100 souldiers to the garrison of Kilkash out of Colonel Realyes
regiment. Sent out of Col. Tirlagh O'Neyll's regiment to Ballydine 14 souldiers and a
Lieut, with a Corporall. Sent out of the sd regmt. to Castle Kaonagh [Mountain Castle]
guarrison the number of 30 souldiers and a Lieut, and Sargent with two corporalls.

Hugo O'Neill (rr).

Throughout the winter, complaint after complaint poured in upon Ormond
of the troubles of the townspeople. They had quartered in their houses not
merely the Ulster soldiers, but very often the wives and families who had
followed them from the north. They had to pay besides to Richard Burke,
of Borrisoleagh, and Theobald Butler, of Ardmayle, the weekly assessments
for carrying on the war. Terence Coughlan, head of the commissariat,
moreover levied his applotment of corn on them ; in short, the impositions
and oppression were so grievous that it was apprehended many of the
inhabitants would flee the town altogether (ss). A few illustrations will
suffice. On 23rd January, 1650, the mayor wrote : —

May it please your Excellencye.

That this poore Corporacion altogether exhausted with the supemumerous
garrison of two regiments consist inge of 1300 shouldiers 26 captins with theire respective
under officers and neere soe many woemen and garzons, as alsoe 5 troopes of horsse are
growen soe burdensome that many of the poore inhabitauntes have deserted the said
towne and that your Excell. orders graunted att Thurles for the removeinge of 300 of
the said number is noe way observed but rather more numbers brought in to reinforce
theire companyes and for want of having carefull men whoe may be sensible of the
sufferings of the said towne appoynted to see them mustered, many false billets are forced
from our quartermasters uppon the relacon of the mustermaster which breeds more
confusion then if the very shouldiers were effective amonge us which may be prevented
if your Excell : were pleased to graunt your Comison unto able men of the sayd towne
for mustering the said officers troopers and shouldiers and to give them power to muster
them as oft as neede requireth and to prevent theire usuall practice of false mustering
that you commande the severall garrisons to be mustered in one day together and to
send your orders for removeall of as many of the said numbers as your Excell : will
thinke fitt with theire unserviseable woemen and garzons whoe not being provided from
the countrey begins to force away what they can light uppon, to the great discouradgments
of the said inhabitauntes. Like wise I must intymate unto your Excell : howe destitute
of amunicion and come is the comon magazin of this towne which may prove fatall if

(qq) Ibid.

(rrj Archives Kilkenny Castle.

fss) Carte Papers, vols. 26 & 142.

68 HISTORY OF CLONMEL.

not tymelie furnished or provided for. I have given in chardge unto my agent to
peticion unto your Excell : for some healpes for the rayseinge of our fortificacons soe
much conduceing to the saftie both of towne and countrey and though I knowe your
Excell : to be very sensible of the particulars yett a tymelie redresse of the former
abuses and a speedie graunt of all these requests as humbly desired by,

Your Excell : most humble servt

John White B. Maior of Clonmell.

Instead of the relief which he sought, a week later the following missive
was received from Ormond : —

After our hearty commendacons. Wee understand that without our speciall orders
in that behalfe the moneyes charged on that corporacion for the supply of his Maiesties
navy commanded by Prince Rupert is denyed to be payd to Richard Butler Esqr the
Receaver thereof, which hath added to the delay to the bringing those moneys and
payinge the same to Lieut Coll. Morley who stayes for it. Wherefore wee pray and
require you imediatly to cause the monyes to be leavyed in that corporacion for the use
afforsayd to be payd to the proper receaver and there maybe noe more cause of
complaint in that behalfe. And soe we bid you farewell, and remain at our Castle of
Kilkenny the 28 of January 1649 [50]

Your very loveing friend,

Ormonde.

In vain also did White urge on Ormond considerations of high policy ;
corporations, he said, would be rendered " disserviceable " by excessive
impositions, whereas they should be cherished for the use of the publicke and
furthermore without their helpe a Commonwealth may not subsist.

The Siege of Clonmel.

The month of December had been unusually severe with much snow and
frost ; it was followed by the mildest January in the memory of man. As an
early campaign would take the Irish at a great disadvantage, and growing
troubles in England required his presence there, Cromwell left his winter
quarters in Youghal, Tuesday, 29th January. Tipperary and Kilkenny were
the theatre of war, and thither his army was to advance in two divisions.
One under the command of Ireton and Reynolds, marched directly through
Carrick ; the other led by Cromwell himself, crossing the Blackwater at
Kilworth, thence to Kilbehenny, returned through the rough country south of
the Galtees. In this way the small hostile garrisons which might cut him off
from Youghal, his base, were all taken in. Bumtcourt and Rehill castles
were surrendered without a shot fired ; the following morning, Saturday, 2nd
February, amid a wild storm of wind and rain he set out from Rehill, and
passing the Suir by the ford at Rochestown, was under the walls of Fethard
that night Tired and sodden as his troops were, he offered favourable
terms, and Butler the governor after some objections as to the etiquette of

History of Clonmel. 69

summoning a town so late at night handed over the keys (tt), A few days
after the inhabitants of Cashel with Kearney their mayor hastened to
Fethard to throw themselves on Cromwell's mercy. The following Sunday
morning, David Fitz Gibbon, after a slight pretence at resistance,
surrendered Ardfinnan Castle — ^the only point from which the Cromwellian
communications might be cut Such was the tale of treachery and cowardice
which day by day reached O'Neill in Clonmel.

The old soldier, however, was busily preparing to give the Cromwellians
a hot reception. Only a few days after his arrival, on lOth December, he
wrote to Ormond requiring a free hand as governor. Ormond replied : — " It
is our full and cleere intention by the words of our comission that on all
occasion you should dispose of all the souldiers in these partes as you thinke
fitt for his Maties service and as for the possession of the Keys of the towne
of Clonmell wee desire you apprehend noe danger and (avoyd any
inconveniency that may present happen thereabouts) to leave in the Mayor
it being in your power to assume it when you shall judge it necessary for the
preservation of the place " (uuj. After this " the experimented warriour," a
contemporary assures us, " was not idle, previdinge the f uturition of a hearde
siedge and builded braue workes for the defence of the towne " fw). His
soldiers, however, were in arrears of pay, and piteous complaints were made
to Ormond as to their condition. Ormond replied on i8th January that he
had sent orders to the Commissioners of Assessment for Tipperary to make
some payments. But the Commissioners, Burke and Butler, refused pending
the settlement of their dispute with the mayor as to the liability of Clonmel
for applotments. Ormond on 31st January cut the matter short by ordering
£150 to be paid, and bade O'Neill to rest satisfied until " there was tyme to
wade to a determination of the dispute " fww). There was another, and, at
this juncture, a more imperative want. This was the want of ammunition
and arms. In his first letter on taking the governorship of the town, O'Neill
urged this on Ormond ; the latter replied " wee daily expect a quantity of
ammunition from Portumna whereof a good proportion shall be sent unto
you " fxxj. The following month, in answer to fiuther entreaties, Ormond
wrote — " We are in preparacon for makinge up of a magazeen out of which

(tt) The Fethard tradition of a stubborn resistance is ludicrous ; the garrison were all local
recruits who would not stand a second volley. There were three companies — Colonel Pierce
Butler's, Captain John Butler's, and Captain Theobald Hackett's— consisting of 82, 76 and 91 men
respectively. Colonel Walter Butler was governor, James Butler quartermaster, Teige O'Barry
surgeon, Fathers Edmond Ryan and Redmond Comyn chaplains— Ormonde Papers, Kilkenny
Castle.

(uuJ Ormond to O'Neill, T3th December, 1645. — Carte Papers, vol. 26.

(w) Aphorismical Discovery. Edit. Gilbert.

fww) Carte Papers, vol. 142.

(xxj Ormond to O'Neill, 13th December, 1649.— Carte Papers, vol. 26.

70 History of Clonmel.

we hope to be enabled reasonably to supply the want of arms you complain
of " (yy). Preston was appealed to, to furnish some ammunition from
Waterford, but Preston had none to spare. In the event O'Neill could not
obtain an ounce of powder (zz). Good advice he obtained in abundance.

After our hearty commendations. In regard we may presume by the enemyes
faceinge that way that he intends to distresse the guarrison in Clonmell and that we
understand you are like to fall into some wants by reason of the want of come which
yet wi understand to be stored upp in great plenty in that towne wee therefore on such
an exigencie have thought fitt and wee doe hereby authorize you or anyone of you to
search the garners and store houses in towne and thereout to take uppon ticket equally
so much of the said come as from time to time shall supply that guarrison untill we
shall take further order for the relief of it. And soe etc from Lymericke 24 February
1650.

Your loveinge freind
Governor and Mayor Clonmell. Ormonde, (a)-

And promises were bestowed as freely as advice.

After our harty commendacons. Wee received your letters of the 23rd this instant
and have by our letters heere inclosed desired our very good Lord the Earle of
Castlehaven to furnish you with what men and provisions hee can, ourselves beinge
at present unable to furnish you with any at this distance. And soe we bid you heartily
farwell from Lymerick the 25th day of February 1649 [50].

Your loveinge friend
Governor of Clonmell. Ormonde (b).

By this time the Cromwellians were closing round the town ; three days
later some of Axtell's dragoons captured a patrol of the garrison under the
very walls, and Cromwell himself came over from Kiltinan to view the place
and its defences (c). O'Neill made an urgent appeal for help.

fyy) Orinoiid to O'Neill, i8th January, 1650. Ibid, vol. 142.

(zz) •* Lately Hugh O'Neill after making a name for himself withdrew from Clonmel as the
Marquis and pseudo Commissioners of Trust did not send him an ounce of powder nor anything
else he wanted ; yet he made a gallant Bght, two thousand of the enemy are said to have fallen in
the siege." Kev. P. Lynch to Dionysius Massario, Galway, 14th June, 1650. Spicilegium Ossoriense

I-, p. 343.

(a) Carte Papers, vol. 142. Among the Carte Papers is a long correspondence l)etween
Cromwell, Ormond and O'Neill relative to the exchange of prisoners. William, fifth Baron
Charlemont, commonly called " Captain Caulfield," was a prisoner with O'Neill in Clonmel. On
5th January Cromwelf proposed to exchange General Richard Butler, of Kilcash, Ormond's brother,
for Caulfield. The latter attempted to escape. About 5 o'clock on 26th January he walked cooly
into an apothecary's shop and said " I came out of Forde's unknown to the sentries. I would not
care said the apothecary, Patrick Roche, you were in your own quarters. By God said Caulfield I
would give twenty pounds to any that would convey me out of the gates. At this tiiiie came running in
Lizzie Mun maid servant to Lionel Forde the good man of Caulfield's lodging and said Gods Leddy,
Captain Caulfield why didn't you come back to the company, they are inquiring for you. Upon
that Captain Caulfield (calling this deponent some bad name) said God's wounds you have betrayed
me only for you I were in Carrick by this time." (Examination of Calin McKernan, sentry). An
agreement was come to between Ormond and Cromwell, and on i6th February O'Neill was written
to, that Caulfield and the other Cromwellians who had been taken since lOth February should be
convoyed to Carrick, and the Irish garrison withdrawn from Kilcash. Three djiys later Ormond
countermanded the order, but the release of his brother was finally obtained on 29th April on
payment of a sum of money.

(b) Carte Papers, 26.

(c) State Papers, Commonwealth, p. 657.

History of Clonmel. 71

May it please your Excellencie.

This day I receivd your letter of the 25th of this instant. Since my last letter to
your Excie I have not to intymate more then that Cahir was yealded without shott or
blowe upon what condicons I knowe not, which I believe your Excie knowes ere nowe,
likewise Kiiteenan was beseedged eare yesternight and yealded yesterdaye mominge
about nyne of the clocke. All their armye is within a myle to the towne and the rest
are cominge to them, in great hast they have sent a number of horses and oxen for more
cannons. Wee expect nothinge else but bee beesiged every houre they having nowe noe
other place to ayme att but this. Your Excie may knowe in what condicon wee are and
the consequence of this place to the Kingdom which requires a speedye succour all
which I humbly referre to your Lordshipps grave consideracon I humbly take leave and
remayne

Your Excies most humble servt,
Clonmell ultimo February. Hugo O'Neill (d).

Ormond replied : —

Sir — Your letter of the last of February intimating your expectation of being
suddainly beseiged I received not till about nine of the clock this morning. In answeare
whereunto I thinke fitt to assure you by these that rather then that towne should fall
into the hands of the rebells I shall draw all the forces of the Kingdome into a body for
its reliefe which I shall endeavour soe to effect as in ten dayes to be in a readines to
advance to towards you, relying on your uttermost endeavours to defend that place
during that tyme though you should as you expect be closely beseiged and soe deseiring
to heare as frequently from you as possibly you may, I remaine

Your very affectionate freind

Ennis 3 March about 12 in the fomoone Ormond.

The task that now lay before O'Neill might well have filled him with
dismay. Day after day his scouts reported the steady advance of the
Cromwellians. Soon with his own eyes he could observe them massing, north
of the town. Twenty troops of cavalry overran the country, and their
ubiquity made them appear a countless host. He might have learned, too,
that the Cromwellians " were in a gallant posture, well armed, well clothed
and for bread, corn and other things plentifully provided " fej. By the end
of March some 9,000 men had set themselves down in the entrenchments (f).
And these were for the most part veterans seasoned in the civil wars and
filled with religious and political fanaticism. They had heard for years of
the massacre of their fellow Protestants in Ulster and now their preachers
exhorted them to crush " the vessels of wrath foredoomed by God." Within
the town O'Neill mustered about 1600 men, of whom one-fourth were armed
only with pikes while some 200 had no arms whatsoever ^^A His artillery
consisted of a few cannon and these even he could only use sparingly for
want of powder. But the little garrison with the exception of Fennell's two

(dj Carte Papers, Vol. 26.

(c) Whitlocke Memorials, p. 434.

ff) Cromwell's army after the junction with Heweston at Kilkenny numbered 20,000 men according
to Borlase. The bulk of these were brought to Clonmel as Ormond threatened to raise the siege.

(gj The muster roll of 3rd January, 1650, published by Gilbert shows about 1400, of these 150 were
in out garrisons Kilcash, Ballydine and Castle Coonagh.

72 History of Clonmel.

troops of horse, were absolutely reliable. They were all Cavan and Tyrone
men, the hardy northerns described by Rinuccini who living on butter and
milk, had few wants and fewer desires, and were more careful of their swords
and muskets than of their own bodies (h). Besides they were well officered.
Colonels Turlough O'Neill and Philip O'Reilly, Captains McDonnell, Brady,
McArdle, O'Hanlon and others had been through many a hard fight in
Flanders and elsewhere. And if the Cromwellians were steeled by religious
fanaticism, these men also had memories to avenge and a religion to fight for.
On the 19th of March, Cromwell came to direct the siege operations in
person (i). The customary demand for the surrender of the town was made,
good quarters and conditions being offered. "To which answer was made
by Hugh Duff that he was of another resolution than to give up the town on
quarters or conditions till he was reduced to a lower station and so wished
him to do his best. On which Cromwell fell to his work and planted his
cannon " (j). As the defence was likely to be long and stubborn and affairs in
England were pressing another method was adopted.

My Lord Cromwell by the enformation of some of Insicuynes partie or other proper
surmishes lited upon a fitt instrument of treacherie. Major Fennell an ambitious and
covetous traytor was sued vnto to be actor of the tragedie of betrayinge both men and
towne and for his paines was offered £500. The time of the performance on Fennell's
parte was the verie next night after the covenant was indorsed about 12 aclocke that
he with such as were of that conspiracie guiltie, would guarde such a gate and would
open the same at the said peremptorie hower for the intringe of 500 men of my Lord
Cromwell and then to simulate an opposition to the rest.

That night O'Neill "by some inspyringe good angell " was making the
rounds and finding Fennell and the " natives " on guard at one of the gates,
had his suspicions aroused. For he had given stringent orders that two-thirds
at least of the guards at each gate should consist of Ulstermen. Sending
privately for a body of 500 of his Ulster forces, he at once put Fennell under
arrest. Fennell on promise of life confessed the whole, O'Neill and his officers

advicinge therefore what best to doe in that extreamitie resolve to open the
gate the peremptorie time according the former covenant. The enemie was watching
his opportunitie, obsearvinge the signall marched towards the gate, 500 did inter, the
rest nolens volens were kept out and all that intred were putt to the sworde
thus did God discover this treasonable plott under Major Huigh O'Neylle (k),

(h) Rinuccini Embassy in Ireland p. 495.

(i) Whitelock p. 430.

(j) Warr of Ireland. By a British Officer of Sir J. Clotworthy's Regiment.

(k) This episode rests on the sole authority of the writer of the " Aphorismical Discovery."
But as there had been treachery in Drogheda, Wexford and Duncannon, the affair is more than
probable. Whitelock (p. 434) has an echo of it " April 19, 1650 From Chester, that Hugh O'Neale
\sic) chief in Clonmel offered to yield the place for a sum of money." Fennell " with more than
ordinary justice " says Lord Castlehaven was hanged by Ireton at Limerick though he helped to
betray that city also. Clonmel was not forgiven.

History of Clonmel. 73

Hopes were now entertained that the typhus raging in the town as well
as the shortness of provisions would soon bring about a surrender (I),
Meanwhile the war correspondents on both sides were as usual engaged in
the work of slaughter. " 20 March letters from Ireland that about 80 of the
enemies foot and lO horse of the garrison of Clonmel went forth to fetch in
provisions but were fallen upon by some of the parliament's horse who killed
23 of them and took seventeen prisoners and their horses " (m), " 23 March
letters that the Lord Lieutenant had taken Clonmel and slain 2000 of the
enemy there and was marched towards Waterford " (n). On the other hand
Cromwell by reason of CNeill's " many valiant sallies and martiall stratagems
did loose some dales 200, other dales 300, other 400, other 500 men ; this losse
was so often and common that he was wearie of the place and if his honor
did not impede his Lordship would quitt the place and raise the siedge " (0),
The fall of Kilkenny in the end of March left Cromwell free to devote himself
altogether to the siege of Clonmel, and thither he returned on 14th April (p).
Reinforcements from England arrived, consisting of a regiment of foot, two
hundred and sixty horse and a supply of money, but bringing at the same
time the momentous news of war preparations in Scotland. Clonmel had now
to be taken at any cost, and so on the Tuesday following, l6th April, the
cannon to open a breach were got into position (q). Shortly after, O'Neill
and the Mayor managed to get through the Cromwellian lines a last appeal.

May it please your Excellencye.

Beinge at the writinge hereof closelye beseidged by the enemye wee thought it our
dutye to give your Excellencye notice thereof though wee have receaved your
Excellencies answer unto our laste dispatches representing the dangers wee hourlye
feared which are nowe come in our sight. Wee are heere, God be praysed of good
couradge and resolution and will endeavour to defend this place as longe as may be in
annye reason expected if the present advance of the armye towards us or the late
promised releefe by your Excellencye will not fayle us for the defence of this place
wherof the safety, of the Kingdom maynelye depends which is in hast humblye
submitted unto your Excellencyes grave consideracon to prevent annye bloddie
tragedye to be acted heer as in other places for want of tymely releefe. What comfort
may be possiblye sent us we humblye desire that the bearer may be posted away night
and day therewith it being of great concernment unto

Your Excellencys most humble servts.

Hugo O'Neill John Whyte
Clonmel the 27th of Aprill 1650. Maior of Clonmell.

(I) " From Chester 19 March. That the Lord Lieutenant was before Clonmel and the plague
was very hot in the Irish quarters." — Whitelock, p. 430. In December fortunately, White, the
Mayor, had impounded the corn applotments of Co. Tipperary against the protests of Commissary
Coughlan, but by this time the supplies were running out.

(m) Whitelock, p. 430.

(n) Ibid, p. 431.

(0) Aphorismical Discovery.

(p) Whitelock, p. 434.

(q) " Mr. Lloyd informs that his Excellency intended to fall upon the place very suddenly and
thence come to England. On Saturday was sevennight he came before Clonmel and the Tuesday
following the great guns were brought down before it." — Perfect Diurnal, May 6-13, 1650.

74 History of Clonmel.

May it please your Excellencye it is our humble suite that the armye if in annie
reasonable condicion may march night and day to our succor and in the meane tyme
that the promised releefe may be sent us accomodated with provisions for themselves
and the guarison together with the necessaries mencioned in your Excellencye's late
letters (r).

Ormond in the meantime was making fruitless efforts to get together an
army. Lord Castlehaven did not hold out much hope. "Seeing we are not
like soone to be in a condisione to nieete Cromwell in his strength I knowe
no other waie to helpe Clonmell but to endeavour by strong divertions to
divide his forces to which purpose I am labouring what I may to have a
partie together heere by tuesdaie nexte with fourteen daies meanes. I have
this morning dispatched an express to the Bishop of Clogher who I hear is
soon to have a rendevouse that if he be not readie for his greate designes in
Ullster to joine his forces with mine." (s) Castleconnell being appealed to,
called the gentry together at O'Brien's Bridge where it was agreed to raise
1 100 foot and 300 horse. Ormond promised ammunition as soon as possible
but this project also came to nothing, (t) Finally Lord Roche assembled a
considerable force in County Cork, Broghill was sent against him by Cromwell
with 1500 foot and 500 horse. On lOth May, Roche's forces were defeated
near Macroom, the Bishop of Ross who accompanied them being hanged at
Carrigdrehid Castle, (u) When Broghill appeared before Clonmel with the
news of his victory and the last hope of relieving the town was cut off, the
whole Cromwellian army received him with acclamations, crying out
A Broghill ! A Broghill ! (v)

Still the spirit of the garrison was unbroken, but it was the courage of
despair ; they expected no quarter and they would give none. One day they
had a stern object lesson in Cromwellian justice. An inoffensive man. Father
Nicholas Mulcahy, parish priest of Ardfinnan, who had refused influencing
the garrison to surrender, was brought forth in front of the walls and there
his head was struck off. Such an episode was little calculated to intimidate
men who had arms in their hands and knew how to use them (w).

The town at this period, regarded from a strategic standpoint, was a
parallelogram, lying east and west with its base on the river, the sides being
roughly 500 by 400 yards long. The enclosing walls originally built in the
fourteenth century were from 25 to 30 feet high and 5 feet in thickness.
They were pierced by four gates and strengthened at intervals of about 70

(r) Carte Papers, vol. 27

(s) Castlehaven to Ormond, Ballimorc, 17th April. Carte Papers, vol. 27.

(t) Castleconnel to Ormond, 25th April. Ibid.

(u) Lord Roche to Ormond, 14th May. Ibid.

(v) Boyle Memoirs, Dublin, 1759 p. 41.

(w) Propugnaculum Catholicae Veritatis, Bruodin, Prague, 1669.

History of Clonmel. 75

yards by turrets. The south-east quarter of the town was occupied by the
old Franciscan church and monastery which had been kept in repair and
partly, in the time of James L, devoted to military purposes. In the north-west
corner was the churchyard of St. Mary's, lying around the parish church, a
massive pile having battlemented roofs and two flanking towers — a fortress
which manned by a resolute guard could be taken only with cannon. The
streets adjoining the gates were exceedingly narrow, with one exception.
Lough Street, which led to the North Gate. This fact determined Cromwell
to open the breach at that point. For through the breach and the neighbouring
gate when captured, an overwhelming force of horse and foot could be poured
by way of Lough Street, into the town; whereas the prolonged conflict in the
narrow streets with an enemy well posted would entail terrible loss.
Accordingly the battery was planted at the foot of Gallows Hill, being
protected from a sally of the Irish by the camp which occupied the declivity
behind. Here also it would appear Cromwell's headquarters were situated (x).

From about the middle of April when the battery first began to 'speak,'
onward through the month of May, the air was vibrant with the thunder of
cannon. The garrison could only reply feebly and at lengthening intervals,
for the ammunition was failing, and every ounce of powder had to be
economised. The walls bravely stood the shock ; but their old time builders
little dreamt of cannon that would carry balls of 42 pounds weight (y). Amid
the awful gloom and strain of those terrible weeks the energy of O'Neill fired
the whole population. His practised eye saw every danger, and his resource
was equal to every emergency. One incident of this time put the
townsfolk into high spirits. "Within two hours after night fall the
Major generall sent out two hundred chosen men and officers with a good
guide through bye ways from a place of the wall next the river that
was neglected by the besiegers, and fell on the backs of those in a fort not
fully finished and cut them all off before any relief came; on which
immediately the next gate was opened for them, and they got in safe with
the loss of half a dozen. The number killed in the fort was about sixty, being
one of their companies " (z).

The siege was now entering on its last phase. By the middle of May
the cannon had done their work and a large stretch of the wall was falling.

(x) The strategy was that by which Cromwell (and indeed every 17th century leader) gained
his victories — ^always to seize the occasion when horsemen could be launched forward with powerful
effect, holding a reserve to follow up and assure success. O'Neill as " an old surly Spanish soldier "
was quite familiar with it an laid his plans accordingly.

(y) Cromw^ell marched from Gowran with horse and foot having "3 peeces of artillery the
bullet of the leastc of which weighed 31 lb " — Sir W. Butler toOrmond3rd April 1650 — Carte Papers
vol. 26. Some balls have been found which weighed 42 lbs.

(z) Warr of 164 1. By a British Officer of Clot worthy's Regiment.

76 HISTORY OF CLONMEL.

On Thursday the l6th both parties knowing that another day would decide
the issue, nerved themselves for the final struggle. The Cromwellians made
ready for a sharp encounter and a merciless battue. The Irish on the other
hand in spite of the overwhelming forces against them, were not less confident
For they believed that Cromwell was outgeneralled ; the plan of seizing on
the North Gate from the inside and thus through the two inlets rushing the
town with an irresistible mass of horse and foot, had been taken advantage
of by O'Neill for a purpose of his own. He provided for the attacking party
a convenient passage from the breach to the Gate. " Hugh Duff did set all
men and maids to work, townsmen and soldiers, only those on duty attending
the breach and the walls — to draw dung hills, mortar, stones and timber and
made a long lane a man's height and about eighty yards length on both sides
from the breach with a foot bank at the back of it and caused to be placed
engines on both sides of the same and two guns at the end of it invisible
opposite to the breach and so ordered all things against a storm " (aa). Behind
this lane stood some houses forming the extremity of Lough Street. These
also were made to serve for purposes of defence.

On the morning of Friday, May l/th, the cannonade began again ; through
the day the breach was made more and more accessible and about three in
the afternoon the battery was silenced (bb). The Cromwellians now advanced
singing a Scriptural battle hymn (cc). As they approached they were received
with a well directed fire. Entering the breach, the Ulster pike men engaged
them in a fierce hand to hand encounter, whilst the marksmen placed in the
earthworks behind, steadily shot them down. Every inch of the ground was
stubbornly contested until at length the Cromwellians reeling under the
terrible onslaught, after heavy losses, turned and fled (dd). The utter rout of
the storming party spread consternation among the Puritan forces ; it looked
as if the invincible Ironsides were going to be beaten at last. There was an
immediate call for another and a stronger force, but the infantry in a state of
mutiny complained that the horsemen should take their share of the
fighting (ee). The picked men of the army were now got hastily together, the

(aa) Warr of 1641. By a British Officer of Sir John Clotworthy's Regiment.

(bh) " The guns had performed their business very well so that about three of the clock in the
afternoon the soldiers stood safe on the breach." — History of Irish Rebellion, Dublin, 1743, p. 20.

(cc) History of Ireland, McGee.

(dd) The Cromwellian accounts state "Our men kept close to the breach which they had
entered, all the time save only one accidental retreat in the storm " (Whitelock) " We had with our
guns made a breach in the walls where after a hot fight we gave back a while " (Several Proceedings
in Parliament) " The drawing the men to the breach was somewhat offensive which caused some
loss "(Cliff, Ireton's secretary). The Irish account is "Then began the assaulte verie fierse and
courageous, the defendants opposed so manly that three severall times they beat the enemie backe "
(Aphorismical Discovery).

(ee) " The foot not being so well satisfied that the horse especially in storms did not run equal
hazards with them "—History of Irish Rebellion, Dublin 1743.

History of Clonmel. 77

bulk of them belonging to Ireton's regiment, the leaders being Colonels
CuUam, Grey and Leigh, Captains Jordan, Humphreys and others. A British
ofl&cer of Sir John Clotworthy's regiment graphically describes what followed.

They entered without any opposition and but few were to be seen in the town till
they so entered, that the lane was crammed full with horsemen armed with helmets,
back breastswords, musquetoons and pistols. On which those in the front seeing
themselves in a pound and could not make their way further cryed out * Halt ! Halt ' I
On which those entering behind at the breach thought by those words that all those of
the garrison were running away and cryed out * Advance ! Advance * ! as fast as those
before cryed out * Halt I Halt ' I and so advanced until they trust forward those before
them, till that pound or lane was full and could hold no more.

Then suddenly rushes a resolute party of pikes and musqueteers to the breach and
scoured off and knocked back those entering. At which instance Hugh DufiTs men
within fell on those in the pound with shotts, pikes, scythes, stones and casting of great
long pieces of timber with the engines amongst them and then two guns firing at them
from the end of the pound, slaughtering them by the middle or knees with chained
bullets, that in less than an hour's time about a thousand men were killed in that
pound, being a top one another.

The Irish writer of the " Aphorismical Discovery" gives a similar account.

Cromwell determined to loose all at once or win the garland. Commandinge
therefore both horse and foot pell mell that such a heape in such an occasion was
seldome scene that by the very thronge severall of them perished, advancinge forwarde
unawares (both opposition and assaulte being soe furious and hott) not observinge
either ditche or counterscarfe fell headlonge into the said ditche from whence there was
no redemption or possibilitie of recoverie but there were massacred and butchered.
Their seconds and comrades seinge what hapned, retired, neither the threats of the
Generall nor the bloudie sworde of inferiour officers was sufficient enough to keepe
them from turning tayle to the assaulte and turned to the campe leavinge Major
generall O'Neylle in the possession of a bloudie wall.

The second division of the storming party with Cromwell himself was at
the North or Lough gate " expecting the gates to be opened by those entered
untill he saw those in the breach beaten back, and heard the cannons going
off within then he fell off as much vexed as ever he was since he first put on
a helmet against the King for such a repulse he did not usually meet -with " (ff).

Night was now coming on, and even if the disheartened soldiers could
be got together for another assault, Cromwell judged it would be sheer
madness (gg).

Victory was with the Irish, but it was a victory that could have no issue.
O'Neill had no reserves by which in the panic and unpreparedness of defeat,
he might have stormed the camp and destroyed in detail the besiegers' army
spread as it was over a line of three miles.

(ff) Warr of 1641-52. By a British Officer, etc.

(ti) 1^^^ ^^ \t\^ in Cromwell's opinion could not be dislodged by any storming party, is clear
from his resolve to bring cannon into the breach itself next day. (History of Irish Rebellion,
Dublin, 1743). Such a step in the presence of a strong garrison could only end in disaster but then
he knew that by this time O'Neill's men were thinned and his resources spent.

78 History of Clonmel.

Consulting with his officers and seeing that their ammunition was gone he
concluded to leave the town without Cromwell's leave and so at nightfall he imparted
the same to the Mayor, one Whyte, and advised him after he was gone half a dozen
miles off as he might guess, to send privately out to Cromwell for licence to speak to him
about conditions for the town ; but not to make mention of himself on any account till
he had done. After which advice to the Mayor he marches away with his men about
two hours after nightfall {hh) and passed over the river undiscovered by a guard of
horse that lay on the other side of the bridge and he made no great halt till he reached
to a town called Ballynasack where he refreshed his men. Then the Mayor according
as he was advised about twelve o'clock at night sent out to Cromwell very privately
for a conduct to wait upon his Excellency ; which forthwith was sent to him and an
officer to conduct him from the wall to Cromwell's tent who after some course
[customary] compliments was not long capitulating when he got good conditions for
the town.

After which Cromwell asked him if Hugh O'Neill knew of his coming out, to
which he answered he did not for that he was gone two hours after nightfall with all
his men, at which Cromwell stared and frowned at him and said " You knave have you
served me so, and did not tell me so before." To which the Mayor replied that if his
Excellency had demanded the question he would tell him. Then he asked him what
that Duff O'Neill was, to which the Mayor answered that he was an over sea soldier

born in Spain ; on which Cromwell said " God d n you and your over sea" ! and

said in a fury By G above he would follow that Hugh Duff O'Neill wheresoever

he went.

Then the Mayor delivered the Keys of the gates to Cromwell who immediately
commanded guards on them and next morning himself entered where he saw his men
killed in the pound notwithstanding which and his fury that Hugh Duff went off as he
did, he kept his conditions with the town (//).

Articles made between the Lord Leifetenant and the Inhabitants thereof
touching the rendition thereof, May the 1 8th, 1650.

It is graunted and agreed by and betwixt the Lord Lieut. Genii. Cromwell on the
one part and Mr Michael White and Mr Nicholas Betts Comrs. entrusted in the behalfe
of the towne and guarrison of Clonmel on the other parte as follows.

1st The said towne and guarrison of Clonmel with the arms ammunicon and other
furniture of warr that are now theirin shall be rendered and delivered up into the hands
of his Excellency the Lord Left, by eight of the clock this morninge.

2nd That in consideracon thereof the inhabitants of the said towne shall be
protected their lives and estates from all plunder and violence of the souldiery and
shall have the same rights libertye and proteccon as other subjects under the authoritie
of the Parliament of England have or ought to have and injoy within the dominion of
Ireland.

VeraCopia O. Cromwell 0>V.

Thus ended the siege of Clonmel after five weeks of close investment and
nearly three months since the Cromwellians first appeared before the walls.
It cost the besiegers between 2000 and 2500 men and many officers — in one
regiment alone, Ireton's, they were nearly all slain (kkj. From the first the

(hh) Eighty wounded men were left behind who were unabje to travel — Carv's Memorials II.,
218.

(ii) Warr of 1641-53. Bv a British Officer, etc.

(jj) MS. R.I.A.

(kkJ Sir Lewis Dyves, Borlase and Carte state 'near 2500.' Cox and some contemporary
authorities 'over 2000.' 'Nearly all the officers of Ireton's regiment arc wanting and you may
shrewdly guess at Hercules by his foot '—Gary's Memorials II. 218.

History of Clonmel. 79

Cromwellians clearly realized the difficult task before them as is evident
from the protracting of the siege in order to wear out the garrison. But that
they could be beaten in a stand up fight, they never dreamt. Whitelock
acknowledges "they found in Clonmel the stoutest enemy that ever was
found by the army in Ireland, and there was never seen so hot a storm of so
long continuance and so gallantly defended neither in England nor Ireland 'YW.
Cromwell himself confessed that the defence of Clonmel " nearly brought his
noble to ninepence " (mm). It is not altogether idle to observe that had the
garrison been a few thousand stronger, the subsequent history of Ireland
would have to be written differently (nn).

(U) Memorials p. 457.

(mm) Cox, Hibernia Anglicana II. 16.

(nu) Long after there were echoes of the siege. 1654 November 6, Theobald Bolton linen
draper St Peter's Parish, Cornhill petitions parliament for relief in his necessities. His only brother
Major Charles Bolton was wounded at the taking of Clonmel of which he is since dead, (State Papers,
Domestic.) 1655 October 13, Nicholas Jordan petitions the Admiralty, the State stands indebted to
him and his brother in the sum of ;f 300 for debentures ; the latter. Major Thomas Jordan was slain
at Clonmel etc., (Ibid.) "The ancestor of the present Langtie of Lisnebruck proprietor of the
coUeries near Killenall in the county of Tipperar>' had his hand choped off above the wrist when
scaleing the walls. I had this fact from his own lips one night I slept at his house, in confirmation of
which a hand with a glove on it and the colours he carried at the time, are hung up to this day as a
record of that transaction in Mary's Church, Clonmel. I have seen them there many a time " — Paper
of Philip son of Nicholas Comins of Clonmel, 1786. The Langley referred to was Lieut. Henry
I^ngley of Capt. Thomas Ask's troop in the regiment of horse commanded by Col. Jerome Sankey.
The old Lough Gate, or as it was sometimes called the North Gate, was subsequently known to the
people of Clonmel as the **Bre«ich Gate." Even in legal documents this name superseded the
former ones. 4 March 1708 Fine by Joseph and Sarah Dennison to John Marshall of " a waste plot
of ground etc. being part of the former holding of Thomas Elwell and Henry Ansel 1 situate outside
the Breach Gate of Clonmell " (Records of the Tipperary Palatinate P.R.O.) Many years ago when
the houses lying between SS. Peter and Paul's Church and Gladstone St. were being erected, numerous
evidences of the assault were obtained. The late John Dowsley M.D. of Mary St. long kept a small
museum of bullets, fragments of matchlocks, helmets, breastplates, buckles and the like. The latest
souvenir was a portion of a cannon ball, about one-third. It weighed 14 lbs. and was foimd when
laying a waterpipe into Dwyer's premises [Clonmel Chronicle^ 16th Jan., 1895).

Oh AFTER VI.

CROMWELLIAN CLONMEL.

ON the surrender of the town, Cromwell at once left for England, and
Colonel Jerome Sankey was made governor of Tipperary with head
quarters in Clonmel. As Sankey was a characteristic product of
the period, his career deserves notice. He was now 29 years of
age, a native of Shropshire, and educated at Cambridge. He graduated
doctor of laws and subsequently took orders in the Church of England.
Whether his experience policing the University as proctor or (as evil tongues
suggested) his narrow curate's stipend of £8 a-year prompted him, he threw
off the clerical gown and took a commission in the Chester horse. Being
known to some members of the Parliamentary Committee for the Affairs of
Ireland, he became in rapid succession major and colonel of that regiment
which accompanied Cromwell to Ireland. His ecclesiastical training now
stood him in good stead, for the whole army of the saints did not contain
(except Major Tomlinson) a more acceptable preacher. As a zealous
anabaptist he constantly divided the Word and had " great bickerings with
the devil." On occasion even, he undertook to exorcise evil spirits (ao).

It is true his enemies accused him of buying land debentures fronv his
own soldiers for a few shillings ; of cheating Captain Godfrey and others
out of Lismalin Park while acting as their trustee. It was noted moreover
(holy man that he was) he rejected the 3,000 acres which the Lord had by

(00) " One Mr. VVadman being in a fit of melancholy reflecting on the death of his wife. Here-
upon Sir Jerome would needs undertake to cast out the Divel. At the end of every period in the
course of his Conjurations hee would ask Mr. Wadman how he did ? who alwaies answered with a
sigh 'All one.* Inasmuch as at length Sir Jerome was fain to say that Wadman's Divel was of that
sort which required Fasting aswel as Prayer to expell it. Whereupon the Spectators observing
how plentifully Sir Jerome had eaten and tipled that evening, did easily conceive the cause why the
Divel did not stir." — Reflections upon Some Persons and Things in Ireland, by Dr. Petty, p. loi.
London, 1660.

History of Clonmel. si

lot predestined unto him, and carnally-minded, choose land of greater
fertility (pp). But the high spiritual conversation of the governor, and his
zeal in the cause of the Commonwealth made him .proof against all attacks.

Naturally, the first measures of Sankey were directed against the Catholic
clergy. A few of the priests had fled with O'Neill, the rest remained in
hiding (qq). The parish priest of Clonmel, Thomas White, long lay
concealed. At length when the storm had partly spent itself he ventured
out. Though known to hundreds his secret was never betrayed, and he
passed as a servant in the house of James Brennock in the Irishtown (rr).
Others were not so fortunate; Father Miles McGrath was seized while
ministering to a sick man ; he was immediately taken and executed (ss).
The following April, 165 1, Father O'Higgins was hanged at the Main
Guard (it), and the same year Father William O'Connor was beheaded. The
latter with fiendish contempt was stripped stark naked at the execution (uu).
" I meditated," said Sankey, " upon the severe justice of Grod against Saul,
Jehosophat, courting those they should have trampled upon and for sparing
where the Lord commanded destroying, and the end for .which I herin
ingaged at first was sealed upon my heart " (w).

Though Cromwell left Ireland 29th May, 1650, the war was not over for
more than three years after. The Irish beaten in the towns took to the bogs,
the woods and the mountains. Colonel Edmond O'Dwyer under the King's
commission, long carried on a guerilla war in Tipperary. He had under him
portions of five regiments — Col. Walter Butler's, Donough O'Dwyer's, Stephen
White's, Edmond O'Meagher's and his own. In the first terror of the invasion,
the people fled with their stocks and belongings, leaving the country desolate.
The Cromwellians, therefore, unable to levy contributions, and fearing that
if the land were untilled, there would be famine and they themselves perish
with the rest, invited the farmers to return ; certain districts around the
garrisons were "protected quarters," within which they might dwell and
grow their crops without molestation (ww). Outside these, a war of
extermination was carried on against O'Dwyer's troops and the Irish generally.

iff) Ibid, pp. 34, 69, 90.

(qq) A Dominican, James O'Reilly, was overtaken in the pursuit and forthwith despatched. —
Hibernia Dominicana, p. 566.

(rr) ** James Brenocke, Yeoman and Catherine his wife .... Thomas White servant " —
Poll Money Returns, Appendix, infra,

(ss) Ibid.

fit J Spicilegium Ossoriense I., 378. Hib. Domin. 329, etc

(tut) Sufferers for the Catholic Faith in Ireland. Myles O'Reilly, p. 245. London, 1868.

(w) Sankey to Cromwell, Clonmel, 27th March, 1652. — Severall Proceedings in Parliament.

(ww) The parts within the mountains and the Suir, all the villages upon the mountains . . .
the barony of Comsy . . . the parts within the mountains called the Galtyes . . . the vale
between the mountains and Clanwilliam ... all the houses and villages in the Comrae and in
the glyns were all exempted from protection. — Proclamation, 3rd Feb., 27th Feb., etc., 1650. Council
Books, P.R.O.

G

82 History OF Clonmel.

In the beginning of the winter we spent much time in burning and d^troying the
non protected quarters especially about the great bogg of Monely [Eliogarty] where
Colonel Axtel and Colonel Abbot met me according to appointment, when (through the
benefit of the hard frosts which are unusual in this land) we burned and consumed
most of their substance and store in three or four days time (xx).

Forced by hunger the Irish sometimes ventured into the protected quarters
and were disposed of according to the orders of the " general! counsell of
warr " sitting at Kilkenny.

" Being harboured by the protected people after publication of those orders, we have
put them in execution, and hanged fifty and odd since*' (yy).

Probably the Irish account is not much wide of the truth. " No less than
five hundred poor labourers and women were hanged at Clonmel and other
garrisons in this county, guilty of no other crime but being found within the
imaginary lines drawn by the governors of the several garrisons 'Y««A
The general character of the warfare carried on by Sankey may be understood
from a few instances.

A soldier bemg killed by some of the Irish army Colonel Jeremy Sankey summoned
all the inhabitants of the parish wherein he was killed (being under his protection) to
come to Fethered where he put them to the dice and hanged five of them. One
Lieutenant McGrath of his Majesty's army, being taken prisoner by Capt. John Godfrey
was five days after hanged in the town of Fethered by Colonel Sankey notwithstanding
the said Godfrey's promise to have given him quarter (a).

And Sankey's subalterns in the several garrisons were alike active in the
work of massacre. Maurice English the representative of an Anglo-Norman
family settled in Rochestown for centuries, was dragged out of his castle by
Captain Godfrey and hanged in Cahir (bj. Philip Purcel kinsman of the
baron of Loughmoe, found within protected quarters near Thurles, was killed
by Major Bolton. David Walsh whose ancestors since the first conquest
held Powerstown, was mercilessly slaughtered by Major Morgan on the road
to Carrick, Similarly with others. No wonder if traditions of hanging and
murder cling round every ruin in the county, and the " Curse of Cromwell " is
still on the lips of the peasant (c).

Nor could it be said that the Cromwellians were merely retaliating on an
enemy faithless and truculent. During two years Sankey had lost only one
officer and five men, while he reported that O'Dwyer was "exact and punctual!
in the performance of his word in al! ingagements." In April, 165 1, the Irish

fxx) Sankey to Cromwell, 27th March, 1652.

(yyj Ibid.

(zzj " A collection of some of the Massacres and Murthers Committed on the Irish since the 23rd
of Octot>er 1641, London 1662.
(a) Ibid.

(bJ Godfrey's tomb may still be seen within the ruined church of Knockgraffon.
(c) Ibid.

History OF Clonmel. 83

commander captured two troops and a company, with Captains Cuffe, Godfrey
and others (d). He at once released them on equal terms ; it were better he
had kept them as hostages for the good conduct of the saints.

But the greatest difficulty of the pious governor, was the making peace
with O'Dwyer. " Truly this business from their first offer hath been more
formidable and distracting to me than any undertaking that ever yet befell
me." For he feared lest sparing the lives of the Irish was an act of infidelity
to the Lord and a snare of the evil one. Then he recalled the good works of
O'Dwyer " and having this principle that rewards and punishments are for
good and evill works, whatever the workers are, and this hath its foundation
upon a scripture rule Mat. 6," he resolved in favour of the treaty. And
he acted with the safer conscience for "the treaty should extend to no
condition for persons guilty of murther ; no mention of any toleration for
religion or priests and no capitulation for reall estates " (e). Accordingly on
the 23rd March, 1652, at Cahir Castle articles were signed by Colonels
Edmond O'Dwyer, Donough O'Dwyer and Walter Butler on the one part, and
Colonels Jerome Sankey, Solomon Richards and Adjutant Allen on the other,
bringing the war to an end.

Yet not the end. For on the following 8th November, a high commission
was opened in Clonmel before Judges Donnelan and Cooke and Commissary
general Reynolds, to try for murder those who in 1641 on the first outbreak
. had slain any English. While the great mass of evidence showed that the
English and Protestants had been sheltered by Lady Thurles, John Cantwell
of Ballymakeedy, Sir Richard Everard, Thonias Tobin of Clorine, Geoffry
Mockler of Mocklerstown, James Sail of Meldrum and others, there was
proof that several non-belligerents, including some women, were killed at
Golden, Cashel and Silvermines. If it were ascertained that any tenantry
or followers of a particular gentleman were present on these occasions, he
himself was held by the court parficeps criminis and condemned accordingly.
In this way Pierce Butler of Shanballyduff, and his eldest son Thomas,
James Butler of Boytonrath, Thomas Kent of Lough Kent, and James Butler
of Ruscoe, were hanged for the attack on Golden Castle at which not one of
them was present Similarly Colonel Teige O'Meagher, Colonel Donough
O'Dwyer, Theobald Butler, Hugh Ryan, Ullick Burke of Lismacue, Bryan
Kearney of Ballybeg, James Burke of Scartfield, and several others were
hanged for the murders at the Silvermines and Cashel (f). The more

(d) Sankey to Cromwell sufray also Borlace p.

(e) Ibid.

(f) Memorialls of ye Warr begun in 164 1 wrote by Mr. Kearney in the Co. of Tipperary, Feby.
1657. Carte Papers, Bodleian, \oU\x\\.

84 History of Clonmel.

dangerous of the Tipperary gentry being thus disposed of, it remained only
to deal with their disbanded soldiers. These, trained in the use of arms and
seasoned in guerilla warfare, might subsequently disturb the Cromwellian
settlement, if not frustrate it altogether. Hence the Commissioners of
Parliament early determined to send as many as possible into foreign service.
In the summer of 1651, a party of IIO taken by Sankey was transported to
Spain. These were followed by several others, and in July, 1654, 3,500 under
O'Dwyer himself went to serve the Prince de Cond6.

Now that the leaders were executed or banished and the " swordsmen "
transported beyond seas, the people at large were to hear their fate, and in
particular, the citizens of Clonmel were to learn the Cromwellian interpretation
of the articles of surrender : " Ye inhabitauntes of ye said town shall have ye
same rights libertye and proteccion as other subjects under ye authoritie of ye
Parliament of England have or ought to have and inioye within ye dominion
of Ireland." On the 26th September, 1653, the estates, farms and houses of the
people of Ireland were declared by Parliament to belong to the Adventurers
and the Army of England. Connaught was reserved for the Irish, and thither
they with their wives and families must remove before the first of May
following. If found on this side of the Shannon they were to be reputed spies
and enemies, and to suffer death. Proclamation of this was forthwith made in
the several precincts or military districts throughout the kingdom. What
must have been the feelings of the old burghers of Clonmel — Whites, Brays,
Barrons, Brennocks, all of o\ji English lineage, when summoned to the
market place by " beate of drumm " they heard the sentence of their doom.
Everyone who had been mustered on the Irish side ; everyone who had kept
watch and ward — that is to say almost every adult male — fell under the ban.
The only exceptions made were boys under fourteen and girls under twelve
in the service of Protestants. Preparations for the clearing of the town were
at once made. And first, in accordance with instructions issued by the
Commissioners of Ireland on 9th November, Colonel Jerome Sankey doubtless
lifted up prayers with strong crying and tears to Him to whom nothing is
hard, that he might not be wanting to His servants. After this the great
work of driving forth the Amorrhites and bringing in the people of God
proceeded apace. Early in December the Commissioners of Transplantation —
Colonels Charles Blount, Solomon Richards, Henry Paris and Francis
Vaughan — opened sessions in Clonmel. Heads of families appeared before
them, and having stated their abode, age, stature, colour of hair and eyes,
and the like particulars of their family and dependents together with the
number and description of their cattle and other substance, certificates were
thereupon issued. With these they proceeded before 30th January, 1654, to

History of Clonmel. 85

the Connaught Commissioners sitting at Loughrea, who assigned temporary
allotments. On them the transplanted persons erected cabins so that all
might be in readiness for their wives and families who were to arrive not
later than the first of May. The following are a few examples of the
Clonmel certificates : —

(No. 27) By the Commissioners of the Revenue within the Precinct of Clonmell.

Wee the said Commissioners doe hereby certifye that Uliicke Burke of Monecannane
in the countye of Tipperary, hath ye l8th day of January 1653U] in pursuance of a
Declaration of the Parliament of England for the affairs of Ireland bearinge date the
14th day of October 1653, delivered vnto us in writing a particular containing therein
the names of himselfe and of such other persons as are to remove with him with the
quantities and qualities of their respective stockes and tilladge, the contents whereof
are as followeth (viz.)

1. Uliicke Burke of Monecannane freeholder, adged sixty nine yeares, middle
stature balde pated, his substance two cows, two garrons, one quarter part acker of
Winter corne.

2. Mary Burke his wife adged fortie eight yeares, tall stature, brownish hare.

3. John Burke his son, adged sixteen years, low stature, black hare.

4. Nell Burke his daughter, adged eighteen yeares, middle stature, brownish hare.

5. Margaret Burke his daughter, adged seventeen yeares, low stature, brownish
hare.

6. William Rian his servant, adged twenty seaven yeares, bald pate.

The substance whereof we believe to be true. In witness whoeof we have hereunto
sett our hands and seales the day and yeare afforesaid

FFRANCIS VAUGHAN, CHARLES BLOUNT, SOLOMON RICHARDS.

But if the bald-pated man of sixty-nine was not spared, neither was the
young widow with her flaxen-haired children.

(No. 5) By the Commissioners etc.

We the said Commissioners (videlicet).

1. Mary Nugent the Relict of Richard Nugent of Cloncoskraein adged twentie
seaven, blacke, lowe.

2. John Nugent of the same sonn and heire to the said Richard adged nine yeares,
flaxen haired, freeholder.

3. Mary Nugent daughter of the said Richard adged seaven yeares, white hare,
lowe.

4. Elinor Nugent daughter to the said Richard adged five yeares, flaxen hare, lowe.
The substance 25 January 1653 [4] (g).

And in the great exodus, we note the passing of the historic families of
the town.

fg) This John Nugent who a boy of nine was transplanted to Connaught, was ancestor of the
Nugent-Humbles of Cloncoskran, Co. Waterford. On 9th May, 1656, Mary Nugent as mother and
guardian of John, obtained a Decree in the Court of Athlone for 365 acres. They returned, however,
at the Restoration and unlike most of the old Irish landowners, succeeded in having their case heard
in the Court of Claims. On Thursday, 13th August, 1663, John Nugent was decreed an "Innocent
Papist," and as such restored to 674a. 3r. 24p. part of the estate of his father Richard. The pedigree
of the family as found in Lodge's Peerage I., p. 221, is at this period hopelessly incorrect.

86 History of Clonmel.

(No. 129) By the Commissioners of Revenue fbr the Precinct of Clonmell.

Wee the said Commissioners doe hereby certifie that Thomas White fitz Richard
of Clonmell aiforesaide, in the county of Tipperary, freeholder, hath upon the seaven and
twentieth day of January l653[4] in pursuance of a Declaration of the Commissioners
of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England for the affairs of Ireland bearing
date the 14 day of October 1653 delivered unto us in writing a particular containing
therein the names of himself and of such other persons as are to remove with him, with
the quantitie and qualitie of their respective stockes and tillage, the contents whereof
are as foUoweth, seaven persons one cowe, one yearlinge two swine. The substance
whereof we conceive to be true. In witness whereof we have hereunto sett our hands
and seals the seaven and twentie day of January 1653.

Sol. Richards Chs. Blount Hen. Paris.

(No. 10) By the Commissioners ....

Margaret Bray alias Corr .... forty eight persons, twenty ackres summer
come, six cowes one yearling, eleven garrons, nine sheep six goates, thirty swine.

—30 January 16S3U].

(No. 138) .... Patrick Donnoghow of Clonmell .... twelve persons,
two cowes, two swine .... 19 December 1653.

(No. 139) .... James Brenocke of Clonmell .... one hundred and
thirtie persons, iforty four ackres of sommer corne, iforty four cowes, one yearlinge
iforty and one garrons one hundred and twentie sheep

.... 31 January I653U]-
(No. 109) .... John (Dorr of Toberhaney [Tubberaheena] .... one
hundred and forty four persons, eighty six acres sommer corne, forty eight cowes,
eleven yearlings, forty eight garrons, three hundred and forty eight sheep, sixteen
goates, fifteen swine.

.... 30 January, 1653(4].

Petitions from the wretched people went forth to the Council in Dublin
to be dispensed from transplanting. Some pleaded their age ; many were
infirm ; some had never borne arms against the Parliament of England ; some
had shown, in fact, a constant good affection towards it. Several already
convinced of the errors of Popery, were earnestly seeking (Jod. John Walsh
of Lisronagh (upon the certificate of Colonel Richards) had performed many
good and acceptable services to the Commonwealth, and was on the 17th
March dispensed from transplanting until further notice. George Mathew
of Rehill (uncle and guardian of Lord Cahir), upon the certificate of Colonel
Jerome Sankey, having lived civilly, and given intelligence on divers
occasions to the Cromwellian soldiers, was also dispensed. The petitions of
John Bray and Thomas White were referred to the Athlone Commissioners.
James Kearney of Fethard, was on 5th May dispensed for twelve months
on proof he had not appeared in arms against the Commonwealth in the first
year of the war. Walter Butler of Cloughbreedy, had given evidence
against James Butler of Roosca, of the attack on Golden in 1641. Wherefore
(he said) he could not without hazard of his life live amongst the said James'
kindred in Connaught. There was so great resort of the Irish to divine
worship in the liberties of Clonmel (so reported Major Stanley) that Mr.

History of Clonmel. 87

Gelatius Hickey who was well qualified to instruct them in Protestant
principles had his salary doubled (h). But this awful period will, perhaps,
be best realized from an individual case.

The Whites had been for centuries rulers of Clonmel. Proud of their
old English blood, they from time to time victualled the royal forces operating
against the Irish, and entertained the representatives of English authority
who visited the town. At this period the head of the senior branch was
Nicholas White. His father Henry had been member for the borough in
the parliament of 1634, ^^^ ^^^ grandfather Nicholas in that of 161 3.
Educated abroad, on the death of his father in 1642 he came into the
inheritance of a considerable portion of the town (i). In 1641 when the war
broke out he had not returned, and throughout all the troubles maintained a
strict neutrality — " lived indifferentlie," as was stated. After the siege of
Clonmel Ireton took compassion on him. " Nicholas White sonne of Henry
White late of Clonmell Esqre. deed., whom being in his Minority, and residing
in France in the beginning of the late rebellion, the late Lord Deputy Ireton
ordered 30 li per annum to be allowed out of his father's estate " (j). But as
he had lived in the Irish quarters he was unable to prove " constant good
affection " to the Parliament which was at war with his King and proscribed
his religion. So on the 19th December, 1653, he appeared before the
Cromwellian commissioners.

(No. 130) By the Commissioners of Revenue for the Precinct of Clonmell.

We the said Commissioners doe hereby certify that Nicholas White of Clonmell
aforesd. in the county of Tipperary esquier, hath upon the nineteenth day of December
1653 in pursuance of a Declaration of the Commissioners of the Commonwealth of
England for the Affairs of Ireland bearinge date the fourteenth day of October 1653
delivered unto us in writing a particular containing therein the names of himself and
of such other persons as are to remove with him, with the quantitie and qualitie of their
respective stockes and tillage, the contents whereof are as followeth, thirty one persons
twenty nine ackres of winter come, seventeen cowes, three yearlings, twenty garrons.
The substance whereof we conceive to be true. In witness whereof we have herewith
sett our hands and Seales the nineteenth day of December 1653.

Sol. Richards Chas. Blount Hen. Paris.

A few days after Christmas Nicholas White on his way to Connaught
took a last look from the heights of Ardgeeha, at the town and fields,
the home of his fathers over which he roamed as boy and ruled as man.
Having got his allotment de bene esse or temporary assignment, from the

(h) Commonwealth Books, P.R.O., Dublin A., 85, 86, 91, &c., &c.

(i) John Walsh, Ormond's agent, estimated it at >f300 a year. At present about ten times that
sum. Carte Papers, xliv. 40.

(j) Return of the Revenue of Clonmel 31st October, 1653-4, P. R.O. The Commissioners at
Dublin ordered a pension of £% a year to " Beale Leynagh an Orphant of William Leynagh late of
Clonmell now vnder the tution of Colonel Blount." Ibid.

88 History of Clonmel.

Commissioners at Loughrea and built his cabin, he there waited until the
25th March, 1656, when by decree of the Court at Athlone he was granted
1,004 acres amid the desolate rocks of West Clare. Here he pined during
the four following years, until on the news of the King's restoration he made
his way back to Tipperary. As the. Cromwellians in possession would not
admit him into the town, and there was a proclamation ordering the escaped
Irish back to Connaught, he took a small farm on the slope of Slievenamon
whence he might behold his old home. From there he addressed several
petitions to the Duke of Ormond to be restored. The* only reply he received
was official sympathy, and so step by step he sank into pauperism. The
following is the last we learn of this broken gentleman of Clonmel : —

To his Grace the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The humble Petition of Nicholas
White Esqr.

Humbly sheweth. That your Grace on your petitioners severall former addresses
was pleased to declare a tendemes of your petitioners condition in regaid that your
petitioners Estate (formerly belonginge vnto him) in the towne of Clonmell and libertie
thereof is conferred vpon your Grace, and your petitioner having no place to Hue in was
forced to take the ferme of Garrangibbon att a greate Rent which your petitioner by
the fale of stocke and scarcetie of monies is noe way able to pay (without takeing your
petitioners five melsh Cowes being the onely reliefe of himselfe and his famelie). Your
grace may be therefore pleased out of your greate pyetie and pittie to give orders to
your Receiver to Remitt four and fortie pound Rent due for this last yeare and a halfe
and this present year to your Grace out of the said ferme. Your petitioner being
destitute of all meanes to pay the same or any way to subsist.

And your petitioner will ever pray etc (k)

There is no reference from Ormond on the petition ; it is probable that
the " five melch Cowes " the only relief of himself and his family were taken
from him also.

Through the winter of 1653-4 the outcast landowners and towns folk
with their tenants and dependents, their stock and household goods passed
in endless cavalcade westwards. In vain did they pray that their flight
might not be in winter and on the Sabbath. Yet even by the following May
all were not ' removed.'

Upon consideration had of the petition of such of the Inhabitauntes of the County
of Tipperary as are comprehended within the Act of Transplantation, and of the Report
of the Standing Committee of Officers thereupon. It is ordered that the Officer
commandinge in cheife at Clonmell be and hee is hereby impowered to graunt Lycense
to such of the Petitioners as hee shall think fitt, for the space of six weeks from the
date hereof while they are building their cabbins in (Donnought to passe to and from
between Connought and Clare and the place where they nowe respectively reside.
Provided they act nothing to the preiudice of the Commonwealth. And it is further
ordered that their wives and families, such as have not been engaged against the
Parliament interest, be dispensed with from their transplantation for the space of sixe
weeks aforesaid and hereof all whom it may concern are desired to take notice. Dublin
I May 1654 Thomas Herbert Secretary (I),

(k) Carte Papers, Bodleian Ix. No. 280. No date but among the papers for 1663.
(I) A 85, p. 314, PRO. Dublin. .

History of Clonmel. 89

Towards the beginning of July the town had been so cleared of inhabitants
that it was foreseen there would be want of artizans and labourers before
the new settlers could arrive from England. Representations were accordingly
made to the Council in Dublin by the Cromwellian garrison.

Artificers etc. at ^ Upon consideracon had of the Report of Coll Sankey, Coll Abbot and
Clonmell > Coll Richards, concerninge a Dispensation to be graunted to the forty

) three persons in the paper hereunto annexed menconed (being
artificers and workmen) to stay for some certaine time within the Towne of
Clonmell. It is ordered that the Commaunder in cheife for the time being
and Commissioners of Revenue at Clonmell, doe dispense and give Lycense to
the forty and three persons aforesaid or to as many of them as they shall thinke fitt, to
stay within the said garrison of Clonmell for such time as they shall judge convenient
Provided the whole time granted to the said persons doe not exceed the twentie fifth
day of March next. And hereof all whom it may concern are to take notice.

Dated at Dublin 8 July 1654 fm).

For some there was a more terrible fate than transplantation. In January
1654, Colonel Jerome Sankey, governor (among others), had orders to arrest
and deliver to Captain Thomas Morgan, Dudley North and John Johnson,
English merchants, all such Irish men and women within the precinct of
Clonmel as should not prove they had a settled means of livelihood, all children
in hospitals or almshouses, all prisoners, the said persons to be conveyed
under military escort to the nearest ports thence to be shipped for Barbado^s.
To such dire purpose had these Puritans read their Bibles (one copy of which
was served out to each troop) "If you will not kill the inhabitants of the land
they that remain shall be unto you as nails in your eyes and spears in your
sides and they shall be your adversaries in the land of your habitation"
(Numbers xxxiii. 55).

The town now presented a scene of awful desolation. The ten years'
war, the siege and bombardment, the plague of 1650, the suspense of the
four following years and the final clearances, left it almost in ruins. Even
in 1666, twelve years subsequent, the Ormond patent shows in the principal
streets " waste tenements " " a house slated ruinous " " a house and back side
waste " " a decayed castle." To this place which had become in great part
the habitation of the bat and the owl it was now sought to attract English
settlers. By the Act of 26th September, 1653, adventurers and soldiers were
enabled to purchase a moiety of the houses within the town at the rate of six
years of their letting value, provided such purchase was effected before the
24th June, 1655. The other moiety was reserved to satisfy the arrears of the
soldiers of Inchiquin and others who had fought for the Parliament in Ireland
previous to the 5th June, 1649. Further, the Commissioners for the Affairs of

(m) A. 85, p. 479.

90 History of Clonmel.

Ireland were to grant vacant places and waste ground within the town to
persons professing the Protestant religion on condition that they erected
good and substantial houses thereon within three years after the date of such
grant (n). But in vain were these inducements held out ; soldiers would not
turn their swords into ploughshares and the tradespeople of Bristol and
Exeter had heard evil reports of Teig and Phelim. Appeals were made in
England. The Popish recusants, it was said, were now cleared out of the towns
and not allowed within a distance of two miles (o). But in vain ; only a few
came. The original scheme therefore of setting down an entirely new
population of English had to be abandoned.

Alone perhaps in the case of Clonmel, we are able to judge how far the
"Cromwellian Settlement" was carried out in the towns of Ireland. The
poll money returns for l66o, still existing, afford a detailed picture of the
place in that year, the last of the Commonwealth. First, as to population ;
the number of adult persons resident within the walls or town proper amounted
to some 394. Outside were 476 of whom 204 were in Irishtown, 1 10 in the
north suburbs, 86 in the east, and 76 beyond the bridge. As the total 870
included about 300 married women and widows the gross population would
be approximately lOOO. If all these were God fearing, and proof against the
corruption which the Lord had so eminently witnessed against in their
predecessors (as General Fleetwood pointed out) the Cromwellian conception
of a city of God might be ultimately realized. But judging from the names
the new settlers did not constitute quite a fifth of the whole. The Irish were
still in an overwhelming majority though reduced to utter impotence, social
and municipal. All merchants, shopkeepers and artizans of the birth of
Ireland, such as had escaped Connaught or the Barbadoes, were banished
outside the walls. There were two exceptions, due probably to the character
of their trade, one Edward Comerford of Bridge Street, who imported Spanish
wines, the other Walter Brennock an apothecary in High Street (p). Servants,
domestics, and unskilled labourers in the employment of Protestants were
suffered to remain. Outside, the population was exclusively Irish, some
remnants of the old burgher families, Whites, Wails and Barrons being still
distinguishable in the common mass. Further, not only were the new
settlers small in number but fewer still belonged to the mercantile class.
There were Commonwealth officials, disbanded soldiers, younger sons of
good families and mere adventurers. John Booker, the first name on the list,
had been a drysalter in London, and joining the Parliament army eventually

(n) Scobell's Acts and Ordinances, C. xii.

(0) Cromwellian Settlementf 2 Edition p. 285.

(p) He lived in a house on the site of the present theatre.

History of Clonmel. 9i

obtained command of a regiment which in 1646 he brought over to Ireland
to aid Inchiquin. As one of the "49 officers" (those who served the
Parliament in Ireland before 5th June, 1649) he was allotted in payment for
his services, certain houses in North Lane, the former property of Nicholas
White. Another, Samuel Foley, the younger son of an iron founder in
Stourbridge, who held the rank of captain, made his abode in the old home
of John White fitz Bennett in Boate Street. Here he had three sons born to
him, the eldest of whom, Samuel, became Protestant bishop of Down and
Connor. A third, Charles Blount, raised a regiment in Gloucestershire for
service under Inchiquin. When on the beheading of the King, Inchiquin
deserted the Parliament, Blount held on, and in 1649 helped to betray Youghal
to Cromwell. Subsequently he was Commissioner of Revenue for Clonmel,
for which and other services his arrears of pay amounted in 1663 to £2,200.
At his death in High Street in the April of that year he bequeathed the
whole to his wife, Valentine, in "confidence that she would be a tender mother
to his children and improve the estate for her owne and their advantage
carefull of their breeding." But more notable than the military settlers were
the small body of active, enterprising traders who followed in their wake.
One, Richard Carleton, from Cambridge, set up as wine merchant in High
Street whence in 1676 he retired a country gentleman at DarlinghilL His
descendants in the next century clambered into the peerage (q). Richard
Perry (or Perryman as he was sometimes called) Mayor's sergeant under the
Cromwellian corporation, subsequently turned to trade and accumulating
wealth founded the well-known county family (r), Richard Hamerton who
piu'chased woods and exported pipe staves, eventually established himself
at Ballyneale. William Vaughan began the banking business which his
descendants, the Ryall)5,..carried on for three generations. Richard Kellett,
another successful trader, was able to purchase Cloghnacody and Jossestown
in 1703 for the sum of £1,371. By far, however, the most noteworthy of the
new comers was Richard Moore. Originally a glover in Barnstaple, he took
up residence in Clonmel in 1655. Here he prospered exceedingly, mostly in
the capacity of land broker and general property agent At his death, at
his house in Lough Street in 1690, he was possessed of estates in Kilworth
(Cork), Chancellorstown, Garrinlea, Hore Abbey, Barne and elsewhere. His
descendants in the junior line still flourish in the neighbourhood ; in the
senior they became ennobled as Earls of Mountcashel. The part which they
played in Clonmel aflfairs he could not have foreseen in the wildest dreams of

(q) Baron Carleton, of Anner, created 1789.

(r) " The first day of October 1660. . . . Henry Waynewright was sworne one of the
Sergeants at Mace for this Corporation in the Place of Richard Perry who desired to quitt himself
from the Employment" — Corporate Minute Book quoted in Commons' Journal.

92 History of Clonmel.

ambition. But among the more obscure settlers who arrived then or shortly
after were some who attained a prominence only little less. These were the
Marshalls, Gordons and Bagwells (s).

By the middle of 1655 the new colony had made such progress that an
inquiry was held into the municipal property and franchises, preparatory to
re-establishing the corporation. For since the surrender of the town the
charters and other muniments had disappeared, and only by gathering
together a number of the old inhabitants, some of them possibly from
Connaught, could evidence be obtained (t). The original report signed by
the members of the court of inquiry is still extant, and is in some respects
the most valuable record we have relating to the town (u). The charter of
James L which was referred to in evidence, was not adopted as the basis
of the new corporation. The Act of Barebones' Parliament " For the
Satisfaction of Adventurers," etc., enacted that " the town of Clonmel shall
have equal privileges franchises and immunities with the city of Bristol in
England and charters granted vnto the inhabitants thereof under the great
seal of England to that effect " (v). Though no such charter ever appears
to have passed the seal, the Cromwellian inhabitants in 1656 erected them-
selves into a corporation and proceeded to exercise all rights, municipal and
parliamentary. In conjunction with Waterford they returned Captain
William Halsey as their representative to the Commonwealth parliaments of
1654-6-8. Owing to the smallness of their number they admitted to the
corporate freedom a considerable body of outsiders, mostly soldiers,
utterly unconnected with the town (w). The calamitous effects of the
precedent thus created, were seen only in the following century.

Having " come to possess houses they had not built and vineyards they
had not planted, they might not forget the Lord and His goodness to them
in the day of their distress " (x). Accordingly one of the first acts of the
Cromwellians was to bring over a preacher and endow him with a liberal
salary (y). This was Samuel Ladyman, a graduate of Oxford, who took up

(s) Particulars gleailed from State Papers, Wills, Pleadings in Palatine Court, etc.

(t) The transplantation of Tipperary, particularly Eliogarty, was so thorough, that Petty 's
surveyors were unable to ascertain the townland boundaries. Some persons had to be brought back
from Connaught to point them out. — Crom. Sett., p. 202.

(u) Quit Rent Office, Dublin. Printed in full in Appendix.

(v) 26th September, 1653. Scobetl's Acts and Ordinances xii.

(w) Clonmel ff, January 11, 1658. At an assembly of the Maior Bailiffs and ffree Burgesses the
persons whose names ensue were admitted and sworn free of the said Corporation viz. : — Major
Francis Bolton, Lieutenant Colonel William Candler, etc.

(x) Letter of Col. William Allen, April 6th, 1654. Thurloe II., 214.

(y) A schoolmaster, a schoolmistress, and a surgeon also formed part of the establishment.
" Mr. Edward Bainebrigge Schoolemaster of Clonmell 40 li per annum, Mrs. Spencer Schoolmss
att Clonmell 10 li per ann., Mr. John Gosling Chirurgion to the Hospitall at Clonmell 40 li per
aunum." State of the Revenue for the Precinct of Clonmel 1653-4. P.R.O., Dublin.

History of Clonmel. 93

residence towards the end of 1652. Pure religion, free from all carnal
accretions, was to be practised, and so the church of St. Mary's was to be
henceforward styled " The Public Meeting House," and thither every Lord's
day (for there was no Sunday now) all householders, their man servants and
maid servants were to come to hear the Word (z). If Ladyman sowed Colonel
Sankey appa^-ently watered, and there was a great increase.

Whereas Mr. Samuel Ladyman was by an Order of the i8th October 1652 appointed
to preach the Word at Clonmell and at such other places thereabout as Coll. Sankey
and the Commissioners of Revenue there should thinke most convenient. It is upon
the petition of the inhabitants of Clonmell thought fltt and ordered That the said Mr.
Ladyman doe preach the Gospell at Clonmell aforesaid and such other places within
that precinct where he shall concieve his peines therein may be most for the advance-
ment of the same. And for his peines and care therein to receive the former allowance
settled upon hjm out of the publique Treasury of that precinct. Dublin the 23 of
febbruary 1653U].

Chas. Fleetwood, Miles Corbett, John Jones (aa).

Soldiers, however, will be soldiers, and some evil reports began to reach
the saints in Dublin.

Information has been made that Lieut Peter Flower of Capt. James Stopford's
company is a common tippler and has been seen often in drink and leads a scandalous
life. We certify that during the three years he has been quartered in Clonmel we have
hot known him to live under any such scandal but have known him to be a person of
very civil deportment and a constant frequenter of the public worship of God.

Js : Booker sheriff, Richard Lehunt, Tho : Batty, Maior, Robert Lovelace and
Richard Perrott bailiffs, Charles Blount, S. Foley, Ja. Halsey, William Almons, Richard
Moore. Clonmel 30 Sept 1659 (hb)

Worse still. Colonel Solomon Richards, one of the Commissioners of
Transplantation, treated the elect of Clonmel as fanatics. His conduct
scandalized London itself.

. Col : Richards behaviour at Clonmell to those whose judgment leads them to sing
psalms, makes a very loud noise here, and seems not to be relished (cc).

Among the most godly members of the congregation was Major Thomas
Stanley who succeeded Sankey in the governorship of the precinct. He is
described in the Carte correspondence as a " phanatique officer." He was

(z) Declaration by Commissioners for the Affairs of Ireland. Brit. Museum, Grenville.

(aa) A 85, p. 141. From the list of the "Civil Officers imployed in this Precinct 1654 " we
find "Mr. Samuel! Ladyman Preacher of Clonmel 130 li o o Mr. Robert Carr Preacher at Clonmel
and the Garrisons adjacent 100 li per ann." — P.RO., Dublin.

(bb) State Papers, Commonwealth, p. 691.

(cc) John Percivale to Sir Paul Davis, London, July 4th, 1654. Egmont MSS. IL, 546. Yet
Richards was not altogether without grace. " Upon the information of Colonel Solomon Richards,
that Captain William Williamson is now a prisoner in Dublin upon suspicion of committing
fornication, in the county of Tipperary during the time of his service there ; and that the said
Colonel has entered into a recognizance to prosecute, and as the said offence is alleged to have t>een
committed within the precinct of Clonmel, Ordered that said Williamson be sent from Dublin to
Clonmel in order to his tryal, and that recognizances be cancelled. Dublin Castle, 17th March, 1654." —
Crom. Settlement, p. 233.

94 History of Clonmel.

one of the representatives of the soldiers whose lots fell in Munster and as
such, made a prominent figure, while the Dublin Council books testify that
he-
Was free of every spiritual order
To preach and fight and pray and murder.
Such as : —

" Ordered that James Standish Esquier Receiver Generall doe out of the publique
money in his hands iissue forth and pay unto Major Thomas Stanley the summe of Tenn
pounds upon account the same to bee by him distributed amongst those souldiers
and others that did the late execution upon the Tories that were killed in the County
of Waterford for payment whereof this etc. Dated att 'Dublin Castle the 1st of Aprill
1656.

H. Cromwell, Miles Corbetf, Mathew Tomlinson (dd).

Again.

" Ordered etc. Five pounds on the certificate of Major Thomas Stanley to Thomas
Gregson, Evan Powel and Samuel Alley (being three souldiers of Coll Abbots regiment
of dragoons), for the arrest of Ekjnogh Hagerty a Popish priest by them taken and
now secured in the county gaol of Clonmell to be equally distributed between them
10 August 1657 f^^J-

The following year he showed renewed activity in the pursuit of Tories
but out of the fifty pounds he claimed, the Commissioners of Revenue
disallowed forty " because they were slain in the field." Stanley pleaded
that " his disbursments were warranted and there was no other way for the
conviction (sic) of those Toryes who were guilty of murther and roberyes and
could not be taken alive" (ff). On the setting up of the Cromwellian
corporation, he presented them with a sword of state. It was an appropriate
gift from the butcher fanatic. But all the Cromwellians had not so steeled
their hearts by perverted scripture. Amid the terrible records of confiscation
and massacre rises one gleam of kindly human nature. Colonel John Booker
in 1665, while bequeathing five pounds to the necessitous English of Clonmel,
left twice that sum to the " poore Irishe inhabitauntes of the said towne " (ggj.

(dd) A. 2, 95.

(ee) Treasury Orders p. 9. It would be instructive to know whether among these Tories
(i.e., outlawed gentlemen and their followers) were any of the Powers whose home in Tickencor
Stanley now occupied.

(ff) Historical MSS. Commission 8th Report.

(^) Wills dated 1665 and 1668. In latter he left to the Salters Company of London "tenn
pounds to buy a peece of plate (my executrix to see it bought and my coat of arms ingraven) for
them to keepe."

Oh AFTER VH.

CLONMEL FROM THE RESTORATION TO THE REVOLUTION.

DURING the closing months of 1659 there was withering fear and
suspense in many a Cromwellian home in Tipperary. Regicides
like Isaac Pennington, Andrew Boughton and Francis Allen, or
members of the Long Parliament such as William Brereton and
Thomas Barnadeston prepared for the worst. Or again puritan republicans
as Colonels William Moore at Lismalin, Henry Pretty at Killboy, Richard Le
Hunte at Cashel, John Godfrey at Knockgraffon sullenly looked out of their
castles, ready to maintain with the sword what they had won by the sword.
On the other hand the royalist Butler or Burke who for ten years had followed
the fortunes of Charles abroad, made feverish preparation to return " being
consumed with an infinite longing to see the smoke of their own chimneys 'Y/r/rA
Meanwhile Sir Charles Coote and Lord Broghill, having deserted the
Commonwealth and allied themselves with the King's party in England,
were securing the cities and garrison towns. A few days before Christmas
Broghill seized Clonmel in the name of " a free parliament," and Major Stanley
(now doubtless armed with the text " fear Grod, honour the King ") was sent to
besiege Cork where Colonel Phair held out for Fleetwood and the Common-
wealth. Lest Ludlow should rally the fanatical sections of Cromwell's dis-
banded army a volunteer force was formed in the royalist interest. A company
of foot was raised in Clonmel, of which Colonel Booker took the captaincy,
Richard Perrott and Ralph Chadcraft being lieutenant and ensign
respectively. There was however no need for their services. A secret
assurance as to estates was given by Charles, and so Cromwellians and Irish
alike welcomed his accession to the throne. The King's Declaration for the

(hh) Bishop Bramhall to Ormond, Carte Papers xxiv.

96

History of Clonmel.

Settlement of Ireland on the following 30th November helped to keep up the
deception, for while it expressed great care for the interests of the Adventurers,
Officers and others, the Irish were equally reassured in consideration of the
treaty of 1648 and their services beyond the seas. As however the months
wore on, the fact became more and more evident that, with the exception of
the Protestant royalists, there was to be no restoration of the Irish to their
homes. In Clonmel the Cromwellian authorities still ruled, Thomas Batty
being mayor and Major Francis Foulkes governor, though to put themselves
right they obtained an " Exemplification " of the charter. The old burghers
who had returned from Connaught and elsewhere were neither permitted to
trade nor dwell within the walls. In vain did the King's letter of 22nd May,
1661, authorize them to peaceably inhabit and trade, and confirm to them their
former corporate privileges. In vain did they petition the Lord Lieutenant
Ormond to re-enter the town. John Walsh of Kilmore, Ormond's agent,
recommended certain of their number for favourable consideration, but to no
purpose.

Those who submitti^ and constantly
adhered to the Peace of '48

Those who by their early repentance
redeemed their former failings by sub-
mitting to the cessation in '43, to the
peace in '46 to the Cessation with the
Bade of Inshiquin and uppon all other
occasions manifested their good affection
to his Maties service

Those who from the beginning lived
indiiferentlie and were of knowne good
affection to his Maties service and dyed
before the Cessation in '43

ffrancis White fitz Patricke
John White fitz Thomas
Michael Oge White
Michael White fitz Thomas
John Stritch
William Leynagh
William Conry
James Walle

James White fitz Nicholas
Thomas donoghow
John White fitz Michell
Heire of John Walle
Heire of Thomas Roche
Michael Bray fitz Piers
James Brennock
William Swyny
William Morroghow
Nicholas Betts
Walter Mulrony
John English

John White fitz Bennett of Clonmell
200 li per ann. [estimated property.]

Thomas White fitz Richard of Clon-
mell 70 li per ann.

Henry White of Clonmell and Nicholas
White his sonne, 300 li per ann.

Piers Bray of Clonmell and Edmund
his Sonne came to Carricke, lOO li
per ann. («).

(ii) Carte Papers, vol. xliv., No. 46.

History of Clonmel. 97

All hope was cut off by the Act of Settlement of 1662 which enacted that

"the Corporations of Ireland are now planted with English who have

considerably improved at their own charges, and brought trade and

manufacture into that our kingdom, the disturbing or removing of which

English would in many respects be very prejudicial, wherefore," etc. (Section

15 of Declaration). And the Act of Explanation, 1665, forbade even the sale

of houses in Corporations to " Papists or Popish recusants " (jj), A few

instances will illustrate the working of these Acts. Patrick Fleming was

fortunate enough to have his case heard by the " Court of Claims " before

the closing of that court through Cromwellian clamour. By decree dated 23rd

June, 1663, he was declared an "Innocent Papist," and therefore to be

restored to all his estate. In the event, he was deprived of three houses and

an orchard in Lough Street, and nine houses and a garden without the walls

near the river Suir. In mockery a "reprize of equal value" in lands

adjoining said Corporation was ordered. But as a London adventurer

named Radcliff, and the Duke of Ormond already divided these lands between

them, there was nothing left for Fleming fkk). Lady Morris who had been

previously married to Bennet White fitz Geoffry, was transplanted to

Connaught in 1654 with her three young children. Sir John, Harry and

Edmond. On the 22nd August, 1655, the Cromwellian court at Athlone

assigned the wretched woman 354 acres. After the restoration she obtained

on 1st August, 1663, a decree of innocence and an order to enter upon the

estate. She could not be restored to the houses in Clonmel, being a Papist,

and no reprise in lands elsewhere would be granted her, having accepted

from the Cromwellians lands in Connaught. So read the decree (UJ.

Further, not only were the Irish excluded from inheriting or acquiring

property within the town, but such English as intermarried with them fell

under the ban.

Court of Claims.

12 August 1663 \ James Mortimer and his wife Pltffs.

[ James adjudged Innocent Protestant
J Ellen his wife Innocent Papist

Nota.

James is a Protestant ; Ellen a Papist. They claim in right of Ellen, and the
question is whether they shall be restored to what is in the Corporation of Clonmell.

Adjudged they shall not be restored in specie for what is in corporations.

Qu. If he had been a Papist and she a Protestant — and he had claimed in her
right (mm),

(jj) Exposition of Clause relative to '49 security.

(kkj Decrees for Innocents, Roll VI., Skin i, P.R.O., Dublin.

(11) Ibid, Roll IX., Skin 82.

(mm) Minutes of Sir Edward Deering, Judge of Court of Claims. Carte Papers, Ixvii.

H

08 History of Clonmel.

In the patent rolls of Chancery are enrolled the grants of lands, houses
and other tenements, under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation. These
aflford a graphic picture of the town as it was ultimately settled (nn) ; they
exhibit Clonmel street by street and house by house ; we can read on the
signboards as if, the names of the new settlers and the dispossessed Irish.

While the restoration brought to his countymen but the extinction of
their hopes, it raised Ormond to the pinnacle of wealth and honour. To his
Irish dignities was added an English peerage and the stewardship of the
royal household. Among the numerous grants made to him was one of almost
the entire town of Clonmel. As lord of the manor he previously derived
certain chief rents from the burgesses. Now all feudal tenures, fee farm
grants and leaseholds were declared forfeited, and the town at its full improved
value became his. The estate, for example, of John White was held by suit
of court and a yearly rent of twenty-two shillings. Its value now may be
estimated from the fact that it consisted of thirty-four houses within the walls,
and twenty-one without; three corn mills, one tucking mill with several
gardens and parks. When however there was question of adventurers' or
soldiers' interests the Duke did not get so easy possession. The burgagery
lands which lay in Co. Tipperary, containing 718 plantation acres, had been
distributed to Hugh RadclifFe, Charles Alcock and others. Before they could
be removed lands of equal value had to be found for them elsewhere. This
presented such difficulties that Ormond after prolonged negociation advised
his agent Walsh to compound for the chief rent of three pence an acre fooj.

The Cromwellians -and Protestant royalists being now in peaceable
possession and all fear of the Irish removed, religious differences began to
assert themselves. Episcopalianism returned in full flood with the restoration,
and crown and mitre became convertible terms. The Cromwellians who
were independents, baptists, or presbyterians, had either to accept the new
creed or lie under the suspicion of disloyalty. In Clonmel as elsewhere there
was much vexation of spirit. On learning the King's intention to erect a
new Protestant hierarchy Majors Stanley, Le Hunt and others in 1660 sent

(nnj Appendix.

(00} The problems which arose in the administration of the Acts were perplexing. Here is a
local case, " Bennett White of Clonmell in the Countie of Tipperarie long before the rebellion did
mortgage vnto Richard Earle of Corke the castle towne and lands of Maylarstowne [Milerstown]
for to pounds and dyed long before the Rebellion. John White his sonn and heire entred and
continued possession paying thintrest of the mortgage vntill ousted by the vsurpers. Sithence which
time the same is disposed of by the now Earle of Corke it being not allotted to Adventurers or Souldiers.
The said castle and town are houlden of James Duke of Ormond as of his Manor of Clonmell. John
White is a forfeiting person."

The question is whether the Duke of Ormond may pay the said mortgage money to the Earle
of Corke, whether the said Earle be bound to accept thereof. And whether the said Duke may
enter by virtue of the King's Declaration and Act of Settlement which gives him the forfeiture of all
lands held of him ? Carte Papers xxiii. 157.

History of Clonmel, 99

round for signature a petition that the " godly ministers of the Gospel who
had so long laboured among them might be continued and countenanced."
They were peremptorily ordered to desist (pp). Two years later the conflict
had grown so angry that it was seriously proposed to remove the "phanatiques"
out of the town as had been done with the Irish (qq). Wholesale arrests were
made and George Baker, Protestant Bishop of Waterford came to St. Mary's
on Sunday, 31st May to preach submission. The dissenters nothing daunted
met at Innislounaght in the house of Thomas Batty who, on the Wednesday
preceding, had been lodged in gaol ^rr/ Information was conveyed to Sir
Francis Foulkes governor of the town, and a company of soldiers surrounded
the house and marched the whole body into the town Marshalsea. Zephanii
Smith, one of those arrested, being asked by a soldier "why he was not att
church then to hear the Bishop preach and he replyed that he did preach him-
selfe in church before now and hoped to preach there again in Grod's due time,
and if he had been at Masse or at an Ale house amongst a company of Drunkards,
swearers or heathens he doth suppose that he should not have been tormented."
Thomas Little, another soldier, heard the wife of John Foster of Abbey say
" that there must be another boute or blowe for it and that very suddenlie " (ss).
In the event many accepted the episcopacy, the most notable being Samuel
Ladyman the preacher, who on 24th February, 1666, took orders in the
established church and thereby retained the living of Clonmel. Others, as
William Vaughan, Phineas Riall and Richard Perry, held out and formed the
first dissenting congregation in Clonmel, under one Mr. Wood as minister.
Amid the war of sects we discern the first beginning of a body which
afterwards attracted no little notice, and whose connection with the town was
entirely beneficent — the Quakers.

May it please yr Grace

I haveing been prisoned in this town for the space of three monthes past for sheepe
of Sir Hardress Waller taken by me for his Maties service (as sheriff for the Countie of
Tipperarie) in July l66o.

Yesterday being Sunday seuerall Quaquers being in this prison together, the
enclosed printed paper was discouered being in the hands of one George Sharpe a
Quaquer by one Edmond Prendergast who is likewise a Prisoner for Prosecuteing his
Estate and Claime of his father deceased formerly Maior of Clonmell. Whereupon I

(pp) Stanley fell foul of the authorities and went to England. The following year he came
back blearing a letter under the King's sign manual " that he was returning to plant and therefor
was to be favoured and encouraged." (Carte Papers xli., 331.) He was elected member for
Clonmel and subsequently Co. Louth . He passed a patent for Tickencor, Kilganey, Ballymacarbery,
Batlymakee, Ardpadden, Castleconnagh, etc. in all 9,155 acres in 1666. He was subsequently made
privy councillor and dying in 1694 was buried in St. Michan's, Dublin.

(qq) Carte Papers xxxii. 172.

f^rr) Richard Perrot, Mayor to Ormond, 27th May, Carte Papers.

(ss) Carte Papers xxii.

100 History of Clonmel.

examined the said George Sharpe who confessed he had the said paper from one John
ffennell who lives near Cahir whereupon I issued a warrant against the said ffennell
who upon his examinacon etc.

J. Booker (//).

Enclosure was " A Word of Remembrance, Reproofe and Counsell to
England and London put fforth by One that loues and longes for their
Prosperity. M. C." But John Fennell on examination, denied he gave it to
George Sharpe, or ever saw or heard of the document.

Throughout this troublous period a strong garrison was maintained in
Clonmel (uu). As there were no barracks, the soldiers (save a few who
occupied the fort and the turrets in the town wall) were billeted on the
inhabitants. This gave rise to much discontent. On 28th November, 1662,
Ormond wrote to the Mayor.

Fforasmuch as we are informed that there are not in the town of Clonmell, inns or
alehouses sufficient for the reception of the troop of horse and two foot companies that
are in garrison there, we therefore hereby require and authorize the Mayor of the said
town to take effectual order that the said troop and companies be quartered as well in
private houses, as in inns and alehouses in the said town, equally and indifferently as
the severall inhabitants thereof are able to beare them (w).

Soldiers then as now were somewhat absent-minded, and among the
Ormond papers are several petitions for payment of their debts. William
Thwaytes who " kept a marchant's shoppe *' commiserating the condition of
sergient Brewer, Drummer Williams and others in the years 1663-4 supplied
them with cloth, victualls and other goods. Richard Whitehand, shoemaker,
petitioned for boots supplied Captain Richard Smith ; Nathaniel Carr for
goods furnished to William Tuksbury, and so on (ww). At length the burthen
became intolerable. Following the example of Dublin shortly before, several
citizens resolved to billet them no longer (xx). The military appealed to
Ormond.

The humble petition of Captaine Richard Smith, Captaine Randolph Taylor,
Ensigne Robert Meredith and Ensigne Garret Foulke sheweth. That the officers and
souldiers of the foote companyes to which your petitioners belong commanded by Sir
Francis Foulke and Captaine John Botiler and guarrisoned in the towne of
Clonmel have till of late been furnished by the inhabitants of the said town with

(it) To Ormond» Clonmel, October 22nd, 1662. Carte Papers.

(uu) In 1662 there was a troop of horse under Lord Shannon 91 men, a foot company of 93
under Captain Sir Francis Foulke, and another 97 under Charles Blount.

(wi Ormond Papers I., 259.

(ww) Carte Papers, cliv.

(xx) "This day heing at dinner in a house of this town Mr. Richard Hamerton came in and in
very much passion burst forth without any provocation in the following manner, that he would
indict the constable that gave the souldiers quarters but in inns and alehouses, and that he paid the
King his due and that the souldiers should pay their quarters ; there is no need of souldiers now
there being a mititia worth one and a half and at any time could beat them." Richard Smith to Sir
Francis Foulkes, 30th December, 1667. Orrery Papers.

History of Clonmel. loi

convenient lodgings and quarters ; some of the inhabitants finding lodgings, and others
in the suburbs and elsewhere giveing certaine allowances by their owne agreements
and consents to several of the officers and souldiers, to provide and pay for their owne
quarters and accommodation where they thought most convenient. But now may it
please your Grace, Richard Hammerton, Edward Batty, Anthony Lawrence, George
Collett and William Vaughan able inhabitants of the said towne, refuse to quarter or
pay the allowances for quartering by them contracted for as formerly but by their
examples and instigation have caused the several other persons undernamed to doe the
like and obstinately persist therein; by which meanes many of the soldiers are
altogether destitute of lodgings and quarter, being turned out of those they formerly
hyred for want of payment of the allowances contracted for, and forced to lye in the
guard when they have done their duty to the great inconvenience of the poore souldiers.
For reliefe wherein the petitioners haveing in a faire way often applyed themselves to
the Mayor of the said towne without any effect or redresse they are forced most humbly
to pray that your Grace will be pleased to take the premisses into consideration and
give such order thereon as your Grace in your greate wisedome shall thinke fit. And
your petitioners shall pray, etc {yy).

Ormond on 14th March, 1668, ordered Hamerton, Batty and the others
named to forthwith provide quarters for the soldiers, and in case of refusal
to appear before him in Dublin and show cause to the contrary. They did
neither, however, but sent a petition to have the matter in dispute investigated
in or near Clonmel. Through the action of certain Dublin citizens the
illegality of indiscriminate billeting was soon after established.

Amidst all the sectarian bitterness and the turmoil of contending interests
under the Acts of Settlement, the new inhabitants were not idle. Industrial
development was impossible owing to dearth of population; the small farmers
and cottiers having been swept away by the Cromwellian wars. The two
baronies of Iffa and Offa, exclusive of Clonmel, contained in 1658 only 4,952
souls, the whole County of Tipperary 26,684. But there was much commercial
activity and enterprise. Herds of black cattle and vast flocks of sheep
covered the face of the country ; the negociation of these and their products
made a trade important and far reaching. There was also a large export of
Irish oak for pipe staves and other purposes ; for during this period the
primeval forests of Ireland were being cleared. From 1660 onwards the
shipping of cattle began on a considerable scale, but in 1666 the country
gentlemen who composed the English parliament grew jealous, and an Act
was passed declaring the trade a nuisance, and absolutely prohibiting it. As
a result good cows might be bought for ten shillings and horses for half a
crown (zzj. Forbidden the export of live stock, cattle were killed and salted,
a foreign trade in hides and tallow developed, and besides supplying the
West of England large quantities of wool were run (as the term was) to
France and Holland.

(yy) A list of forty-eight persons is annexed who refused to quarter. — Ormonde Papers 10, pt. 5,
pp. 55-6.

fzz) Broghill to Dorset, 18th December, 1666. 4 Rep. Hist. MSS. 280.

102 History of Clonmel.

The part which Clonmel took in the trade of the period we are fortunately
able to judge from a contemporary ledger still existing. William Vaughan
kept shop in High Street, a few doors from the main guard (north side), from
the middle of the seventeenth century until its last year, when he died.
Petty trader, merchant, bill broker and banker, his ledger throws a flood of
light upon the commerce and the business methods of the time. The principal
article which he dealt in was wool. This he bought in huge quantities,
nearly every person of prominence in South Tipperary appearing in the
ledger. Having packed the wool and brought it to Clonmel, it was shipped
as the market offered — some from Waterford, most from Youghal — to Mine-
head, Bideford or Barnstaple. There it was negociated and paid for by
English bills. As the exchange usually rose high against Ireland, an
additional profit was thereby obtained. This perhaps will be best understood
from a concrete transaction. In 1685 Vaughan purchased from Richard
Moore (who was by this time a great sheep rancher), 128 bags of wool, the
price paid being i^i,433. The wool was carted by way of Ballinamult to
Cappoquin at the rate of 2s. 2d. a bag. Here it was conveyed by boat to
Youghal, whence it was shipped to Edmund Spurier, of Minehead. Vaughan
was paid by bills on Joseph Carpenter, of London. Now as remittances had
to be sent to Stephen Moore (Richard's eldest son) then in England, and as
the exchange was 18 against Ireland, Vaughan was able to sell his bills on
Carpenter at a handsome profit Frequently it appears that the wool was
exported merely for the profits of the exchange. In 1687 on a consignment
of fifty bags to Joshua Holland, of Minehead, a loss of £26 on the wool was
turned to a profit of £32 on the exchange. Again in the same year a deficit
of £n is recorded on 123 bags. So great was the demand for English bills
that Vaughan occasionally overdrew on his correspondents. Where the loss
on the wool would be excessive, the following curious method of liquidating
the balance was resorted to. " Mr. Edmd. Spurier Dr. [1686.] To cash sent
yu in a bagg of wool No. 2, £l00 — 00 — 00." But more interesting by far than
the cross-channel export of wool was the trade with the continent.

" Mr. Robert Ball is equally in co-partnership with Will Vaughan, Oct. 19, 1688 —
To 59 casks of butter shipt on board the Fortune of Youghal (Will. Kellin master), for
Dunicirke, and is consigned to Mr. Tho. Baker and Mr. John Fen of Ostend, wch cost
on shipboard, in all £81 3s. 9d.

Nov. 12— To 41 casks of butter shipt on board the Swan of Love Ed. Poore master,
for Rochelle and consigned to Mr. Walsh and Gaule, from Youghall per Robert Ball
which cost in Ireland ^57 lis. 4d.

To 44 casks of butter consigned to Mr. Tho : Baker and Mr. John Fen of Ostend,
per the Pearl of Waterford cost in all being on my own proper account ^65 7s. id.

To profitts on the above 144 casks of butter £\l 13 lOd."

History of Clonmel. 103

There are also accounts of considerable shipments of butter, cheese,
tallow and frieze to Thomas Barton of Bordeaux.

Partly owing to foreign trade, partly to the supineness of government,
much of the business of the country was done in foreign coin, and the ledger
is full of references to pistoles and ducats. More curious still was the currency
established by the traders themselves. In the middle of the seventeenth
century it was found impossible to carry on a petty cash business for want of
small copper coin. The shopkeepers of Clonmel as elsewhere supplied the
deficiency by a coinage of their own. The earliest of these tokens was issued
by William Henbury, a com miller.

f Obverse: WILLIAM Henbvry Of (a harp).

(Reverse : Clonmell 1656 (W.H.)

In the same year he was followed by George Carr, a shopkeeper in High
Street, who as the son of John Carr, a gentleman, considered himself entitled
to quarter his arms on the coin.

jO. : George Carr (Carr arms — On a bend between three Cornish
(R. : OF Clonmell (G.C. id. 1656). [choughs as many—).

Richard Hamerton not content with the profits derived from the export
of pipe staves, appears also as a * moneyer.'
|0.: Richard Hamerton (1657).
1r. : In Clonmell 1657 (R.H.)

fO.: Richard Hamerton (R.H. between two dotted circles).
IR. : Of Clonmell 1657.

The issue had now become so profitable that persons other than traders
took part in it. The coin of Colonel John Booker is interesting as the first to
exhibit the arms of the town.

fO.: J. B. OF Clonmell (1658, id.)

(R. : For Citty And COVNTY (Clonmel arms— a stag pursued by a dog

[over a bridge, a fish below).

After the restoration though there were several proclamations crying
down the tokens under stringent penalties, still new ones were put forth.
|0.: Ann Henbvry (a harp).
iR. : In Clonmell 1663 (A.H.)
ro. : Richard Hamerton (Clonmel Arms).
iR. : Of Clonmel 1664, (a fish).
I O. : JOHN Fryers 1668 (a ship).
iR. : Of Clonmel Pevterer (Id.).

104 History of Clonmel.

To escape the penalties set out in the proclamations the dates were
omitted from the following : —

|0. : Richard Carleton of (Clonmel Arms).

iR. : CLONMELL MERCHANT (R.C. ID.).
jO. : TEPERARY WILL (ID.).

(R. : Change Them Agan (R.C.).

jO. : Richard Hamerton (Id. a dolphin).

I R. : Of ClONMELL, (Clonmel Arms).

fO. : JOHN HarwoOD (three fleurs-de-lys, two and one).

1r.: Of CLONMELL, M.A. (ID.).

(O. : Andrew Robeson of (Robinson Arms, three stags).

(R. : Clonmel His. Id. (a wool pack).

(O. : Martin Dix Clonmell (a dagger between a pierced mullet of
! [six points).

I R. : In Tipperary Munster (a harp enclosed in circle).

From these and other indications as also from the pleadings of the
Palatinate court, there is evidence that the period from the Cromwellian
settlement to the Revolution was one of great prosperity in Clonmel. The
fact that so many of our local gentry date their origin to the traders of that
time, is conclusive. But the foundations of more lasting prosperity would
have been laid had not the iniquitous policy of William III. crushed the
woollen industry. In 1674 Sir Peter Pett a well-known economist of the day,
addressed a memorial to the Duke of Ormond setting forth that the manufacture
of worsted and coarse woollens for home consumption, would increase the
profits of wool, give much employment to the poor and enhance the value of
his Grace's estate. Accordingly Ormond entered into a treaty with one
Edward Nelthorp, a Norwich manufacturer. Humphrey Hill was sent over
to settle preliminaries and Captain Grant began negociations with Walloon
refugee wool combers in Canterbury for their removal to Clonmel. Houses
were to be assigned them for twenty-one years "without paying any rent
save one piece of fine searge yearly," but Nelthorp complained that better
terms were offered him elsewhere. Other troubles rose in unexpected quarters.
Nelthorp wrote 22nd June, 1675, to George Mathew, Ormond's agent "His
Grace tells me he has writt to you concerninge the opposition the Corporation
of Clonmell gives Mr. Hill as alsoe how to prevent other little manufactoryes
that may be sett up on purpose to destroy oures " fa). Friezes were made for
a time but the subsequent history of the industry is not known.

(ti) Hist. MSS. 6 Rep. p. 713.

History of Clonmel. los

All this time that the new settlers were acquiring riches, purchasing land
and founding families, the old natives of the town Whites, Barrons, Stritches,
Brennocks, looked on with hungry' eyes from their cabins in the Irishtown,
the Old Bridge and the other suburbs. As their rights to trade freely in the
town, and enjoy all other municipal franchises, were indisputable under the
charter, the Corporation to exclude them adopted the illegal expedient of
requiring all freemen to take the oath of supremacy.

At a Doyer Hundred Court held at the TholselofClonmel 19 October 1668 ....
John Rindon Butcher the same day took the Oath of supremacy and the Oath of a
Freeman

4 Day of October 1669 Robert Hayman took the Oath of Supremacy and the oath
of a Freeman of this Burough.

Against this they in common with the " ancient inhabitants" of Waterford>
Wexford and Galway, repeatedly petitioned the King. At length a friendly
viceroy. Lord Berkeley, was sent over and on 23rd March, 1672, proclamation
was made of an Act of Council ordering that his Majesty's Irish Roman
Catholic subjects, formerly inhabitants should be forthwith restored to their
accustomed freedoms and be allowed to peaceably inhabit and trade as freely
as they or their ancestors did and no distinction to be made on pretence of
difference in religion ^W. The ferment which the proclamation created in
Clonmel is graphically described in some correspondence preserved in the
State Paper Office.

Wee the Irish natiues of this Corporation of Clonmell had just cause to honour
his Maiesties proclamation of 26 ffebruary 167 1 [2] accompanied with the act of the
Councell graunting vs libertye to be restored to our freedome and that without interruption
wee beinge thereunto bom by birthright. Seeing how carelessly the same was proclaimd
by the bell man and read by a pitiful clerke without the Maior bailiffs or aldermen or
any person of note or fashion which rejection made our hearts bleed yett wee poor Irish
dared say nothing nor coulde wee obtaine leave to make bonfires or any show of triumph
and it added to our grief to heare it said it would produce a second Rebellion. Amongst
the rest Richard Moore that was a very poore glover but now is an esquier of 2000 li a
year was heard to say 23 March the day it was proclaimed, that it was the King's ballett
renderinge it soe insignificant and scomeful that it would move a loyall heart to
knock him dead but that the law forbiddeth. Pray consider if anything can be made of
these expressions. The words can be prooued home and a good deade it were to cheque
the pride of these Cromwellian sectaries. I remember when their Monarch liued that
any proclamation order or decree he passed and graunt he gave none durst oppose
it or seem in the least dissatisfied. May God inspire their hearts to be true and faithful
to our King but it rested in himselfe to make them more obedient else I belieue he shall
neuer have their love. In making use of your freedom and access you will add to your
glory to present this our grievance by way of petition or remonstrance that wee cannot
have the benefit of the proclamation and Mr. Daniel Arthur has commission to advance
whateuer expenses the same may cause (c).

To these charges the Mayor replied in a letter to the Lord Lieutenant.

In pursuance of the late proclamation and the late rules for makeing freemen I
have admitted and sworn severall natives of this corporation as freemen and in court

(h) Original in Gale's CoiTX>rate System of Ireland, cxlix.

(c) James Lee to Sir Edward Scott. State Papers, Domestic Chas. II., sub nun, P.R.O. London.

106 History of Clonmel.

and else where declared my readiness all that could make out their rights therevnto
either by antient records or by copies of their own parents former freedomes.
Nevertheless John Power an inhabitaunt of this towne has applied with others very
tumultuously in court demanding not only his freedom but to be admitted a burgess
and yett obstinately refuseing to produce either copies of freedom or a record to make
out his right though antient reconls have lately been seen in his possession which to
the greate preiudice of the corporation he denies to show me so that by the advice of
my Counsell I have forborne to admit him as freeman or burgess. Whereupon he has
lately caused some scandalous papers to be penned reflecting very much on the reputation
of our whole society and particularly the Mayor bailiffs and burgesses the authority of this
Corporation (d).

The reasons for withholding the records appear in an intercepted letter
of Lee to Power. " Having being formerly a natiue inhabitant which I made
appeare by an old record which I haue shown to some of the petty burgesses
of this town but not to the Maior being very sure he would forceably keep it
from me " (e). Some twelve of the old natives obtained their freedom but in
the meantime so great a clamour was raised in England over the admission
of Catholics into the Corporations that Berkeley was recalled and Essex
appointed Lord Lieutenant (f). On the 23rd September following, the " New
Rules " for the government of Corporations, were issued. These by subjecting
municipal appointments to the control of the Lord Lieutenant and Council,
and by imposing the oath of supremacy on all mayors, bailiffs, recorders,
town clerks, treasurers, aldermen and burgesses, extinguished the charter
rights of the old inhabitants and gave legal sanction to the Cromwellian
Settlement of the towns. Two months later a bribe to apostacy was
held out by the Corporation.

At a Councill held at the Tholsel of this Town of Clonmell on the 13th Day of
November 1672. Quaere. Whether the Natives of this Towne as Merchants and
other Tradesmen conforming themselves to the Rules of the printed Proclamation from
the Lord Lieutenant and Councill bearinge Date the 23 Day of September 1672, shall
be made free of this Corporation or not.

Carried on the Affirmative.

The history of Clonmel as of the rest of the kingdom, during the
subsequent twenty years, is a record of politico religious turmoil. On the
one hand the insecurity of the new settlers owing to the Catholic succession
to the throne, their fierce Calvinistic religion, the stories of popish plots and
massacres imported from England and circulated by such men as Orrery and
Mount Alexander, created profound distrust and hatred. The Irish on the
other hand, clamorous for restoration to their estates, showed neither good
sense nor tact in a situation delicate and perilous in the extreme. Their

(d) Francis Hopkins, Mayor of Clonmel to Essex, Lord Lieutenant, Feb. 15th, 1673. Ibid.

(e) James Lee to John Power. Ibid.

Yf) The following appear in the " Ministers Money " return for 1674. Henry White, James
Moroney, Nicholas White, John Stritch, Ignatius Sail, Peter Rothe, Edward Lafifan, Nicholas Barron,
Edward Comerford, Walter Brennock, Thomas Ryan.

History of Clonmel. io7

leaders Talbot and Nugent eager to dominate the army and (through the
corporations) the parliament, helped in no small measure to raise the storm
which eventually swept away the Stuart dynasty. The incidents of Clonmel
life are characteristic of the time. On the fifth of November, 1672, the Mayor
and Corporation went to church to commemorate the anniversary of the Gun
Powder Plot. They were mobbed on their return and the mayor received
rough handling (g). The effects of the Titus Oates* explosion were also felt,
for on 5th April, 1679, by proclamation from the Lord Lieutenant, the Catholic
inhabitants were removed outside the walls of the town, except a few necessary
merchants and artificers. This cruel measure was followed by one more cruel,
because more lasting in its effects. In 1681 the first of the trade guilds, that of
merchants, was formed; a few years later the guilds of the cordwainers
and brewers. The three included in their scope all the commerce and
handicrafts of the town. It was competent for the members, being Protestants,
to impose any terms they pleased on Catholics, or indeed to say whether
they should be permitted to trade at all. Yet the Cromwellians did not feel
their ascendancy quite secure. The grand jury of the county palatine in 1682
refused a loyal address to Charles II. Omiond as lord of the palatinate and
lord lieutenant took notice of the affair, and determined to bring to account
Stephen Moore who had moved the rejection of the address. " I know not
how farr Mr. Herbert's [Chief Justice of Tipperary] passion may have been
the cause that an address was not unanimously agreed to at Clonmell but it
will behove Mr. Moore to give some signall evidence that he repents the
opposition he gave it, and is ready to make amends and it concearns my Lord
Chief Justice to dispose him to it that he may not stand suspected to cajole
the partie for feare or favour, and I know not what demonstration those can
now make but by contriving and carrying on an address as plaine and full
as any other county or corporation has presented ** (h). Nothing, however,
appears to have been done, but four years later Moore emboldened by
impunity used seditious language towards the new king. For this he was
put on trial, and Tyrconnell, Lord Lieutenant, to secure conviction came to
Clonmel in person. The Cromwellian jury refusing to convict, the affair
assumed national importance (i). But the event which stirred the town to
its depths was the suit in the Court of Exchequer — Attorney General v. The
Corporation of Clonmel in 1687. A judgment of " Ouster " was given as in
the case of the other towns, on the grounds that the members were not duly

(g) Sir H. Ford to Earl of Arlington, 25th Nov., 1672. Essex to Arlington. State Papers
Domestic Chas. II., P.R.O. London.

(h) Ormond to Arran, October 2nd, 1682. — Carte Papers L., p. 195.

(i) List of Jury in vol. xxxix.. No. 27 of the Carte Papers. This is possibly the origin of the
family fiction that Moore financed King William in the sum of ;^3000 which was never repaid.

108

History of Clonmel.

elected, had violated the articles of incorporation and the like. Furthermore,
a new charter (7 December 3, Jas. IL, 1687) passed the great seal. It has been
the fashion of partisan historians, such as Harris and King, to represent these
proceedings as the confiscation of civic rights, and the filling of the
corporations with the dregs of the papist population to the exclusion of the
respectable Protestant inhabitants. The truth is that the new charters
enlarged the powers of the local bodies and provided safeguards against
their becoming what they subsequently did — mere pocket boroughs. The
following were named in the charter to Clonmel as the governing body to
come into existence 29th September, 1688 : —

Mayor,
James Butler, Merchant.

Bailiffs.
Richard Dennison, Merchant.
Patrick Brennock, Merchant.

Nicholas White, gent.
Richard Moore, gent.
John Bray, gent.
Joseph Comerford, gent.
Thomas Meade, gent.
Peter Root, mercht.
William Vaughan, mercht.

Thomas White.
Nicholas Barron.
James Moroney.
John Savage.
Gilbert Fryer.
Nicholas White.
John Stritch.
Thomas Donoghow.
John Greet.
Theobald Butler.
Richard Daniel.
George Sherlock.
Richard Bambrick.
William Quirke.

Aldermen,

James Butler, jun., mercht.
Leonard Boyton, mercht.
John Hickey, Doctor in Medicine.
William Stanley, mercht.
George CoUett, mercht.
Walter Brennock, apothecary.
Richard Whitehand, mercht.

Free Burgesses.

Francis Moroney.
Richard Betts.
Nicholas White fitz James.
Thomas White.
Thomas Craddock.
Laurence Brennock.
John Mead.
John Nevill.
John Moore.
John Meagher.
James Comerford.
•James Long.
Dermot Daniell.
John Stritch, jun.

History of Clonmel. io9

Recorder.
Sir Theobald Butler.

Town Clerk and Protonotary.
James Butler fitz James.

One bailiff, six aldermen and eight burgesses represented the non-
Catholics in the new corporation. Of these George Collett, a quaker, and
William Vaughan, a "sectary," were excluded as such from the former
corporation, while the second alderman named, Richard Moore, had
persistently opposed every concession to his Catholic townsmen.

On the evening of Thursday, 2ist March, 1689, King James II. after a
weary journey from Lismore reached Clonmel. A contemporary describes
his progress. " All along the road the county came to meet his majesty with
staunch loyalty, profound respect and tender love as if he had been an angel
from heaven. All degrees of people and of both sexes were of the number,
old and young. Orations of welcome being made to him at the entrance of
each considerable town and the young rural maids weaving of dances before
him as he travelled. In a word from Kinsale to Dublin the way was like a
great fair, such crowds poured forth from their habitations to wait on his
majesty " (j). Events now moved rapidly. King James a week after his
arrival in Dublin summoned a parliament of a kingdom only yet half
subdued. Clonmel returned as its representatives Aldermen Nicholas White
and John Bray, while among the other members for the county we find
Butlers, Purcells, Everards and Tobins, all belonging to families that had
gone through forty years of plunder and persecution. From a parliament so
constituted neither deliberative discussion, nor political sagacity might be
looked for. One of the first acts was a wholesale attainder of the
Cromwellian settlers (k). The following residents of Clonmel were named in
the Act : — Hercules Beere merchant, Henry Charnley merchant, Andrew
Coulter gentleman, John Green gentleman, John Ladyman gentleman, John
Mead merchant, Hugh Radcliffe gentleman, Richard Piggott esquire, Phineas
Ryall merchant, William Vaughan merchant, John Walkington, clerk (I),

ij) A Light to the Blind. Ed. Gilbert, p. 46.

(k) The only justiftcation that could be found for these measures was the resolve to secure the
fruits of their victory. The Irish had fought for King James' brother for ten years in France, yet
after the Restoration not one obtained as much land as would afford him a grave.

(I) The County Tipperary names in the Act of Attainder are Charles Alcock Powerstown,
Jonathan Ashe Killoquick, Joseph Biggs Castlecoyne, Francis Biggs Kedragh, Lieutenant Bradstone
Tipperary, Robert Boyle Killgrant, John Bright Shanrahan, John Briggs Castletown, John
Buck worth Shanballyduff, Chiclley Coote Armagh, John Castle Richardstown, Thomas Chimmicks
Tullamayne, George Clarke Ballytarsney, George Clarke Shanrahan, George Clerke Tubberaheena,
Richard Clutterbuck Derryluskan, John Darcy Cashel, James Dawson Tuam. John Doherty Cashel,
Mary Davis Killoquick, John Evelyn Drangan, Anthony Erby Cashel, Robert Foulkes Baptistgrange,

110 History of Clonmel.

On the principle of dividing the bear's skin before killing him, a further
act was passed repealing the Acts of Settlement and Explanation, and
redistributing the land to the former Irish owners. These measures while
adding little to the strength of James' party in Ireland, enlisted against him
all the forces of national hatred. His cause before stood for Catholic
monarchy against Protestant republicanism, now it became the narrower and
more passionate issue, Ireland against England.

During the period 1689-1690 while several of the Protestant inhabitants
of Clonmel fled in apprehension, there appears to be no evidence of the abuse
of power by the Catholics. The levies for the support of King James' armies,
and the legalized plunder by debased currency pressed equally on both
parties, but some relief was afforded by the reduction of the garrison in order
to swell the army in the north. When, however, in the early days of July,
1690, news was brought that James was defeated at the Boyne, that Dublin
had fallen and William was rapidly marching southwards, it was proposed
to burn the town lest it should afford him shelter. Story, King William's
chaplain, gives some particulars.

Sunday July 20 1690. Encamped at a place called Rossed Narrow upon the estate
of one Mr. Read [six miles from Kilkenny] where the King had news that the enemy
had quitted Clonmel whither Count Schomberg marched with a body of Horse. This
is one of the strongest towns in Ireland and cost Oliver Cromwell at least 2000 men in
taking it ; the Irish made some pretensions to hold it now ; in order to which they
levelled all the suburbs and hedges but all they did was to make the inhabitants pay
them £300 to save the town from being burnt or plundered ; it stands upon the river
Sure in a pleasant and fruitful country (m).

Another clergyman in the train of William, Rev. Roland Davis, supplies
further information.

Capt. Henry Fox Lackymorc, Richard Tanner Aghlevallane, Francis Fookes Ballycarron, Nicholas
Fowler Baflintotty, Sankey Godfrey Knockfallrey, William Godfrey Knockgraffon, Samuel Green
Batlynonty, Christmas Gwin Graigej James Harrison Cloughjordan, Isaac Haynes Knocknaroe, John
Hill Borris, John Hoyle, Glenahelly Samuel Hughes Cashel, James Jones Tipi^erary, John Leake
Knockgraffon, John Lehunt Cashel, John Launer Killusty, Edward I-egg Ballinderry, George
Lehunt Ballinure, Stephen Moore Here Abbey, Thomas Moore Carrigansheeragh, Thomas Meredith
Ballycahill, Thomas Moody Kilcaroon, Ann Parnell Killusty, Michael Parker Killosalla, John Page
Loughkent, John Perry Kilmaloge, John Pyke Woodenstown, Henry Pretty Killboy, Joseph Ruthorne
Poulakerry, Molyneux Robinson Cashel, Gregory Roe Killeheen, John Sadleir Ballintemple, Richard
Sadleir Ardftnnan, John Seed Tullagh, Thomas Shapcott Loughkent, Arthur Taylor Noane, Margaret
Walkden Ardmaile, Thomas Valentine Killoan, Purefoy Wanoick Ballysheedy, William Watts
Drangan, Humphrey Wray Ballycallan, John White Ardfinnan, Elizabeth Ward Keile.

(m) War in Ireland, Story, p. 109. The army of King James had not a monoply of plunder.
" Some of King William's regiments in Munster lay as heavy on the country as the enemy could do ;
of which Fethard in the county of Tipperary afforded a melancholy instance, the day before the
battle of Aughrim ; which the army being about to leave swept clean off everything not sparing even
the parson's books and sermons ; and the loss that little town sustained was computed to amount to
;f2000 in money, plate and goods. But (adds my author) their damage was soon after repaired by
a contribution from several regiments concerned." Harris' King William, p. 324.

History of Clonmel. hi

We marched from Kells [Co. Kilkenny] to the mills near Clonmel with four pieces
of cannon in the van. As we passed by the mountain above Kilcash we saw two small
parties of the enemy hovering on the mountain and supposed to have a design on our
baggage (»).

The Williamites nevertheless entered the town unmolested, the gates
being open and the garrison fled. Davis supplies an unconscious climax to
this sort of warfare. " 2lst I went to Clonmel to visit Mr. Thomas Moore
with whom I dined and spent most of the day." But with the defeat before
Limerick and the brilliant coup of Sarsfield, the campaign entered on a new
phase. William was compelled to return to Clonmel on 30th August to
arrange for winter quarters and a renewal of the war the following year.
The command of the army was entrusted to Count Solmes and General
Ginckle, and the civil government to Lords Justices Sydney and Conningsby.
The defences of Clonmel had been neglected since the Cromwellian period.
In 1666 Orrery reported — " In the town and citadel no guns mounted nor any
scaff'olds to fire over the walls of the citadel.*' William, who left nothing to
chance, gave instructions regarding them. " The fortification of such places
as Cashel and Clonmel where the troops will be for the winter should above
all things be advanced ; these places should be well provisioned both for
horses and men " (0). Nor were these precautions needless, for a fortnight
later Solmes wrote to the King : " The rapparees the day before yesterday
attacked our provisions and artillery between Clonmel and Carrick and
everything had to be sent back to the former place for safety " (p). During
the winter there were other troubles. On December lOth, Ginckle wrote from
Kilkenny : " The governor of Clonmells letter tells me that his garrison is in
great distress ; in two batallions there are 250 sick and 25 died in four days,
and they are beginning to desert " (q). The war continued to drag on for
another year when the Irish gained a diplomatic victory by the treaty of
Limerick, guaranteeing them such civil rights as they had enjoyed in the reign
of Charles IL How the terms were kept in the case of Clonmel will appear in
the following chapter.

(n) Diary of Rev. Roland Davics, Camden Society-

(0) Memoiie pour mon Cousin Solmes. King William, Waterford, September 2nd.
(f) Solmes to William, Tipperary, September 14th.
(q) Lord De Ros Papers, Hist. MSS. Commission, p. 321.

Ohapxer VIII.

J

CLONMEL IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

WAS once" wrote Swift in 1700 "in your county, Tipperary, which
is like the rest of the whole kingdom, a bare face of nature, without
houses or plantations; filthy cabins, miserable, tattered, half
starved creatures, scarce in human shape; one insolent ignorant
oppressive squire to be found in twenty miles riding; a parish church to be
found in a summer day's journey, in comparison of which an English farmer's
barn is a cathedral ; a bog of fifteen miles round ; every meadow a slough and
every hill a mixture of rock, heath and marsh ; and every male and female
from the farmer inclusive to the day labourer, infallibly a thief and
consequently a beggar which in this island are terms convertible. There is
not an acre of land in Ireland turned to half its advantage ; yet it is better
improved than the people; and all these evils are effects of English tyranny ;
so your sons and grandchildren will find to their sorrow *YrA The saeva
indignatio of the Dean has somewhat darkened the shadows, but the picture
in its broad outlines is a true one. The clearing of the woods forty years
before had left the county "a bare face of nature." The bogs were still
undrained, while much of the land was brought into cultivation only at a
period long subsequent. Enclosures there were none; four townlands for
example, close to Clonmel, — Caherclough, Lisronagh, Garranearla and
Killmore in all 1400 acres, were in 1702 divided neither by dyke nor
hedgerow (s). The roads, mere bridal paths, were in the same condition
as when St. Patrick had passed over them. The mansions which dignify the
landscape had then no existence ; there is not (with probably one exception)

(r) Swift to Rev. Mr. Brandreth. Swift's Earlier Life, Rev. J. Barrett, London 1808.
(s) Ormond, fee farm grant 1702.

History of Clonmel. 113

on the soil of Tipperary a house of two storeys which dates from the period
1640-1740. Nor is Swift's portrait of the "ignorant, insolent, oppressive
squires " overdrawn. The sons for the most part of puritan tradesfolk, they
retained all the self-exaltation and the narrowness with none of the sprituality
of their fathers. They were placed in the midst of a people who hated them ;
they were vexed by the daily sight of the old owners " coshering " among
their tenantry and could not, if they would, render beneficent service or kindly
charity (t). Farming after the manner of the time huge sheep walks, they
were compelled to live in the country, removed from every source of
enlightenment and culture. In the event the Irish gentry, fox-hunting, duelling
and debauched, earned for themselves an evil pre-eminence even in the age
when the saying " as drunk as a lord " passed current.

If the standard of social life was low, that of public life was still lower.
Nowhere was the dictum of Horace Walpole — " every man has his price "
better understood. The government of the country by the English ministry
was carried on by wholesale bribery. Parliament as a deliberative assembly
simply ceased to exist. Lasting for the life of the king and practically
irresponsible, it became a mart for the sale of votes. Accordingly the great
object of ambition to the county squire was a seat in the Commons, and
elections were contested with a bitterness and an unscrupulousness of which
one can have little conception in our times. When the squire obtained a
preponderating influence in a borough, or ultimately as "patron " nominated
the member himself, he was then in a position to command office and
pensions for his sons, advantageous alliances for his daughters, and at the
end of no long vista lay a peerage for himself. Across the preamble of the
patents of the eighteenth century nobility in Ireland might be written the
words " parliamentary corruption " (u). The process by which Clonmel was
converted into a pocket borough, the several steps by which the family of a
Devonshire tradesman ascended into a peerage without military services or
civic distinction, deserve careful notice.

Owing to the conditions under which the Cromwellian corporation was
established, the ancient qualifications for freedom, viz. birth, apprenticeship,

(t) " I know that lasiness is commonly objected to the Irish and is made the ground of their
povertie. I own that there are some whose ancestors had great estates and lost them in the several
rebellions; now the posterity of these men commonly preserve with care their genealogies and
still reckon themselves gents and look on it as the greatest debasement in the world to work or
exercise any trade ; they live therefore either by robbing or on their Clans who still pay them respect
and maintain them after a sort." (Taxation of Ireland 1716, Historical MSB. Commission, 6 Rep.)
Sixty years later the descendants of these " Tories " went about, their ancient title deeds carried in a
handkerchief in their hats ; Arthur Young saw them as common labourers making wills in which
they bequeathed large estates.

(u) For example — ^The ancestor of the late Viscount Lismore obtained control* of the boroughs
of Pethard and Enniscorthy. In due sequence a marriage with the Ponsonbys, the great
* parliamentary managers, followed, and the Lismore peerage.

J

114 History of Clonmel.

and marriage, were ignored, and the Council, the Mayor, or a body of citizens
called the D'Ouir Hundred Jury exercised mero motu the power to admit
freemen. Further, the number of the new settlers being small, the precedent
was early established of conferring the freedom, with its various municipal
and parliamentary privileges, on persons who had no connection with the
town whether by trade or residence. The opportunities thus afforded for
intrigue are obvious, and they were soon availed of. As early as 1681 a by-
law was made restricting the Mayor's and the Council's nominees to persons
of the rank of esquire (v). But as esquires abounded, two further acts were
passed — one on 7th February, 1693, the other, 4th September, 1704 —
prohibiting the Mayor from conferring the freedom independently of the
Council and the D'Ouir Hundred, under a penalty of £40 for each person
sworn. Prohibitions and penalties notwithstanding, freemen continued to be
made with a view to the hustings.

At a Generall Assembly of the Town and Borough of Clonmell at the Tholsel
thereof, before the Mayor, Bailiffs, ifree Burgesses and Commons of the said Borough,
the 5th Day of June 1713.

Whereas we find it prejudicial to the Revenues and publick Interest of the said
Borough that the Mayor of the said Borough should make any Person residing without
the Liberties of the said Borough free thereof.

We therefore present that it be ordered, enacted and consented by the said Mayor,
Bailiffs, ifree Burgesses, and Commons aforesaid that the present Mayor of the said
Borough or any other Person that shall hereafter be Mayor thereof, shall not admit or
swear any Person whatsoever free of this Borough without the unanimous consent of
the Common Council thereof or the greater part of them, and the Doyer Hundred Jury
if then sitting, or the greater part of them ; and that if the present Mayor or any Person
who shall be Mayor of the said Borough, shall admit or swear any person or persons
whatsoever free as aforesaid contrary to the true Intent of this Act, that then such
Mayor shall pay to the Chamberlain of the said Borough for the use of the said Mayor,
Bailiffs, free Burgesses and Commons, the sum of £40 sterling for each person so sworn.

We also present that every succeeding Person who is to be admitted and sworn
Mayor shall, before he takes the usual Oaths, take one other Oath to observe this and
all other Bye Laws made for the good government of this Borough provided they are
not repugnant to the Laws of the Land.

Nor did this put a stop to the creation of faggot voters ; three years
subsequent the D'Ouir Hundred Jury found it necessary to make a presentment.

Wee find and desire that no person not living in Town be either admitted or sworn
free of this Corporation.

At this period the citizens at large, had a considerable share in the
government of the town. The mayor and other officials were elected by a

(v) At a Council held for the Corporation of Clonmell on the 3rd Day of October 168 1. Ordered
that no Person or Persons under the Degree of an Esquire be made free of this Town for the future
unless by Service or a Doyer Hundred Jury upon Pain of each Mayor swearing any such Person to
forfeit fifty Pounds sterling to the use of the corporation for each such offence, and the same to be
leavied by way of Distress.

History of Clonmel. ii5

majority of the freemen and council assembled together in common. The
corporate estate was administered by the D'Oiiir Hundred Court consisting
of the mayor, bailiffs and a jury of fifteen citizens, held for that purpose
twice a year^w/ Moreover there was a strong local party led by Robert
Hamerton, grandson of Richard the settler of Cromwell's time. Deriving
under the Radcliffs a valuable interest in the burgagery lands, Hamerton,
besides a house at Ballyneale, had a stately mansion close to the east gate
where the Town Hall now stands. Here he rallied the resident freemen,
and announced promiscuous hospitality by an inscription over the vestibule.

Welcome All
To Hamerton Hall.

Such was the position of affairs when Stephen Moore "the Colonel,"
was installed mayor, 29th September, 1724. As a parliamentary candidate
he had already attracted much attention, and his skill with the pistol was
notorious. In 1719 he had contested Fethard with Counsellor Slattery,
Lord Cahir's agent Slattery though unseated on petition was subsequently
elected for Blessington. The feud was renewed and on Sunday, 13th
November, 1726, Moore and Slattery fought on the Green with sword and
pistol. The result may still be read on a tomb within the ruined church
of Kilgrant.

Here Lyes y^ Body of John Slatterie Co[unsellor1
AT Law, a Member of Parliament who was Killed
by Stephen Moor y^ 13 N"* 1726.

Daring and unscrupulous, Moore by interest or menace, obtained a
majority in the town council by means of which he set about converting
Clonmel into a pocket borough for the advantage of his family. It had been
customary for the mayor on entering office to summon the D'Ouir Hundred
Jury to take cognizance of the corporate estate and present persons for
freedom. No jury was called, and in vain were petitions presented reminding
the mayor of the by-law : —

" Ville de Clonmellensis— At a Council held the 29 day of November 1700. Ordered
That the Doyer Hundred Jury be kept twice a year."

On the 2ist January, 1725, Robert FitzGerald, Recorder of Clonmel, died.
Moore nominated for the office Thomas Marlay, Solicitor General. As the
election was by the freemen at large, Moore forthwith made forty-three of

(w) " The Oath of the Doyer Hundred Jurors. You shall swear that you shall well and truly
enquire into all and singular the Revenues of this Corporation and to all other the Lands Tenements
Rents and Arrears of Rents and all Debts and Fines belonging to the same as shall be given you in
charge and of the same true Presentment make to the best of your knowledge."

116 History of Clonmel.

his friends free, two only of whom were resident in the town. The bailiffs
refused to swear Moore's nominees as ineligible, but Richard Going, the town
clerk, at Moore's request administered the oath and Marlay was duly certified
to the Lord Lieutenant as Recorder of Clonmel. Robert Marshall, however,
the rival candidate, petitioned against the return, and the election was set
aside. Moore, nothing daunted, held a council meeting a week later at which
he created no fewer than forty-nine additional freemen of whom a solitary
individual only, was resident in the town. The following 24th June saw two
rival mayors elected. Moore certified to the election of James Going, Mayor,
Bartholomew Labart and James Castell, Bailiffs; the town party returned
Robert Hamerton, Mayor, Jeremiah Morgan and Richard Whitehand, Bailiffs.
On the hearing of the case before the Privy Council it appeared that exclusive
of his own nominees only sixty-five freemen voted for Moore's candidates,
while the opposition numbered one hundred and forty. Hamerton was
approved of, but the affair did not end here. At a council meeting held in
October

It appeared at the Generall Assembly that on the 29 of September last, Stephen
Moore Esqr. then Mayor of this Corporation, was required according to the usuall custom
to appear in the Tholsell to swear the said Robert Hamerton, Mayor, Jerome Morgan
and Richard Whitehand, Baylififs, pursuant to the said election and approbation, which
he absolutely refused to doe and hath ever since withheld and retained the Regalia or
Ensigns of Mayoralty belonging to this Corporation and the books of the same, but hath
done no Act as Mayor.

The case was now carried to the King's Bench, and a judgment of
'Ouster' obtained against Hamerton on the ground that he was not one
of the three persons nominated by the council, according to ancient usage,
for the office of mayor. But two years later, in the parliamentary election,
consequent on the death of George L the Moores suffered a signal defeat.
Guy Moore and Stephen Moore obtained 169 and 161 votes respectively
against 136 votes recorded for Robert Hamerton and 133 for Robert Marshall.
On petition to the Commons, the Moores were unseated, as the ninety-two
freemen made by Stephen Moore during his mayoralty "had not been
presented by the Doyer Hundred Jury and were only to serve a family
interest." Some curious glimpses into electioneering methods are afforded
by a petition of Sir Thomas Prendergast against the return of Guy Moore
in 1733. Hayman, Moore's agent, promised John Flahavan publican to have
£50 spent in his house and "his bills would not be looked into." James
Kearney was ordered by the Colonel, to keep an open house for the Moore
party. Alderman William Thompson of Waterford, was promised the
mayoralty of that city by Messrs. Christmas and Marshall on condition he
voted for Prendergast. He was intercepted however in Carrick by Ambrose

History of Clonmel. 117

Congreve on behalf of Moore, who "lent" him £50. On the day of the
election Marshall had Charles Atkins arrested for debt, but the bailiff
released him in order to vote for Moore.

For the thirty years 1724-1754 the struggle continued with varying
fortunes. The local freemen ignoring the Moore corporation, regularly
elected an opposition mayor, and certified his election to the Lord Lieutenant.
Many of these certificates endorsed " not approved " may still be seen at the
Record Office. In one dated 1736, and signed by George Mathew, Robert
Marshall, Jeremiah Morgan, Thomas Christmas, George Lester, Thomas
Jones and others appears the curious morceau.

"The persons who have severally exercised the office of Mayor of the said Corporation
in order to support themselves in the usurpation of the said office, have contracted
great debts and affixed the Corporate Seale to Bonds for securing the same, and have
made freehold leases and other leases for long terms of years of the lands belonging to
the said Corporation, reserving a very inconsiderable rent and receiving large fines, and
have actually mortgaged or threaten to mortgage, the whole revenue of the said
Corporation."

Sometimes however, they succeeded in the law courts in ousting the
Moore mayor. In 173 1 by judgment of the King's Bench, James Castell
was ousted. The Moore party appealed to the corresponding court at
Westminster, but the English court upheld the decision. A writ of error to
reverse the judgment was subsequently brought into parliament but was
never prosecuted.

Through some unexplained accident the opposition in. 1747, obtained a
majority in the council and elected Jeremiah Morgan, goldsmith, as mayor.
The 19th April, 1748, a meeting of the burgesses and freemen was called at
the Tholsel. The Moore freemen being mostly non-resident the local party
carried the following by-laws.

Be it enacted and ordained that no person shall be capable of being elected or to
be elected into the office of a free burgess of the said town or borough of Clonmel, who
shall not have been an inhabitant of the said town or borough, and actually resident
within the same, at least 12 calendar months next, preceding such election and also
subject to the payment of the taxes and impositions charged and chargeable on the said
town and borough.

Be it enacted and ordained that no person or persons, shall be capable of being
elected into the respective offices of Mayor or Bailiff of the said town or borough of
Clonmel, who shall not respectively have been an inhabitant and inhabitants of the
said town and borough at the time of his or their election, and respectively been
actually resident within the said town and borough at least twelve calendar months
next preceding such election, and also subject to the payment of taxes and impositions
charged and chargeable on the said town and borough.

Be it enacted and ordained that to avoid popular confusion, all elections of mayor,
bailiffs, free burgesses and freemen shall hereafter be made by the twenty free burgesses
of the said town and borough of Clonmel and ten select freemen, or by the majority of
them, and that no other person or member of the said Corporation shall be capable of
giving or have a right to give, any vote or suffrage in any such election and Be it further

118 History of Clonmel.

enacted and ordained that the ten select freemen shall be William Bagwell Esq. Thomas
Morgan Esq. William Rial, gent Theobald Manderville, gent. Hercules Morgan
Goldsmith, Alexander Castell, gent Richard Thomas, Peruke maker, Thomas Bagwell,
merchant, Edward Parsons, stay maker, and William Dixon merchant, and the said ten
select freemen are hereby constituted and appointed to be, with the said twenty free
burgesses, persons capable of consenting to and voting in all elections of mayor, bailiffs
free burgesses and commonalty or freemen, and to continue such select freemen during
their good behaviour. And be it further enacted that upon the death or amotion of any
of the said free burgesses or select freemen, the remaining free burgesses and select
freemen or a majority of them, shall within twenty-one days next after, proceed to the
election of free burgesses or select freemen or of a free burgess or select freeman as the
case shall be, giving such notice of the election of a select freeman or freemen as by law
they are required to give of the election of a free burgess, and so as often as the case
shall happen. And be it forthwith enacted and ordained that no person shall be
capable of being elected a select freeman who has not been an inhabitant and actually
resident in the said town or borough for at least twelve calendar months next preceding
such election, and subject to the payment of all taxes and impositions charged and
chargeable on the said town or borough any bye law to the contrary notwithstanding.

Then the Roll of the mayor, bailiffs free burgesses and commonalty being called
over the above bye laws were carried in the affirmative by a great majority.

But the Moore party had no intention of submitting to these by-laws.
On the election of the succeeding mayor, 24th June, 1748, they mustered in
force. Morgan, who was in a minority of eight to eleven in the council,
declared Robert Shaw elected by a majority of the select freemen. The
other party nominated Thomas Luther and succeeded in obtaining a judgment
of " ouster " against Shaw on the grounds of his Non-conformity (x). The
following year, however, Richard Going, the Moore nominee, was ousted in
turn, and Morgan became mayor for a second term. The former by-laws
were now defined and extended.

At an Assembly of the mayor, bailiffs, free burgesses and commonalty of the Town
and Borough of Clonmel, held in the Courthouse the 21 day of December 1750, it was
enacted and ordained among other things, as follows.

Whereas on the 19th day of April 1748, the right, trust, franchise and privilege of
electing a mayor, bailiffs, free burgesses and commons was by an ordinance and bye
law then duly enacted, vested in twenty free burgesses and ten select freemen exclusive
of the whole body corporate and every particular part and member thereof, which bye
laws have been found extremely beneficial and advantageous by abolishing and virtually
destroying a usage before that time claimed by the common council of nominating three
persons to be in election for mayor, and four or six to be in election for bailiffs annually,
which usage had occasioned very great disputes and contests and had endangered the
dissolution of the corporation. And WTiereas many other powers, trusts, rights,
franchises privileges and authorities particularly as well of electing a chamberlain and
town clerk, and also of presenting to the Church and Living of the parish of Clonmel,
and of joining in the appointment of a schoolmaster, as of amoving and disfranchising
the mayor, bailiffs, free burgesses and commonalty and the ministerial officers and

(x) The prostitution of religion to party purposes throughout this period is well exemplitied in
the case of Shaw. At the hearing of the case (Clonmel Assizes, 29th August, 1749) he met his
opponents by showing that within the three statutory months of his installation as mayor he had at
the church of Rathronan immediately after divine service and sermon received the Sacrament of the
Lord's Supper, according to the usage of the Church of Ireland. Also at the Quarter Sessions of the
Peace for Co. Tipperary between 9 and 12 a.m. he took the several oaths required by the Act to
Prevent the further Growth of Popery.

History of Clonmel, ho

servants of the Corporation for just and reasonable cause, are, and each of them is
either by charter or by individual power vested in the whole corporate body, the
assembling of which corporate body on the occasions aforesaid may be attended with
the danger of popular confusion and tumult for prevention whereof Be it enacted and
ordained.

That all powers, trusts, rights franchises privileges and authorities and each and
every of them which are by charter or incidentally vested in the whole body politick
shall from henceforth for ever hereafter be used exercised enjoyed and executed by the
twenty free burgesses and ten select freemen exclusive of every other part or parts
member or members of the said corporation, who shall not in any sort interfere or inter-
meddle in the use, exercise, enjoyment or execution of any of the rights now or heretofore
vested in the said free burgesses and select freemen, or do any act or ads relative
thereto, or give any vote or suffrage whatsoever relating to the execution of them or any
of them, any act, ordinance, byelaws, usage or claim to the contrary in any wise
notwithstanding.

For the next two years the new legislation was tacitly accepted, and in
1753 William Kellet was elected mayor in accordance therewith. In April,
1754, a vacancy was created in the borough by the promotion of Robert
Marshall to a judgeship of Common Pleas. On the announcement of Guy
Moore as candidate, Kellet at once threw in his weight with the Moores and
summoned a meeting to repeal the by-laws passed in 1748-50. As strong
opposition from the resident freemen was anticipated, he made out a
Freemen's Roll of his own "without any regard," says a contemporary, "to
the freemen on the books." The by-laws were repealed and a new law
passed which deprived the commonalty of every right they possessed, and
transferred the whole powers of the corporation at large to the common
council alone.

"Whereas the common Council of the corporation by constant usage, have elected
freemen and accepted the resignation of officers and members thereof, and in general
have transacted all business of the whole community, and have exercised that right
till the intervention by some late irregular and illegal proceedings ; And Whereas it
will tend greatly to the peace and quiet of the corporation and prevent tumult and
popular confusion, that the rights of the common council should be declared and
established. Be it enacted and ordained that all public business of or concerning the
corporation, shall be transacted and ordered by the common council of the said town
and borough, and that the said common council shall have power and are hereby
empowered to elect freemen to accept resignations of officers and members of the said
corporation, and to do all corporate acts for the benefit and advantage of the said town
or borough."

Two days later, I2th June, 1754, the mayor and council created twenty
four new freemen for the purpose of the election. But a strong rival
candidate was found in William Bagwell, the son of a prosperous local
merchant. A petition against Moore's return was lodged with the House of
Commons. Opposing council fought for weeks together and incidentally
discussed the local history of the preceding half century. At length on a
vote, 106 members were for Moore, 106 for Bagwell, and the speaker by a casting
vote declared Bagwell elected 20th October, 1755. It was however the last

120 History of Clonmel.

struggle for municipal freedom. Within two years Bagwell died, Guy Moore
succeeded and henceforward the Moore supremacy in Clonmel was unchall-
enged. In a report on the " State of Borough Representation " 1783, appears
the following summary, "Clonmel, a large and populous town; electors a
mayor, recorder, town clerk, nineteen burgesses and seventy-two freemen
mostly non-residents. Patrons, Lord Mountcashel and some of the Moores " (y).
What this patronage meant may be gathered from a letter of Mountcashel to
one of his creatures, Thomas Power, of " Moore Park," Clonmel.

Dublin May 8th 1792. I am leaving here this morning to go to County
Roscommon to pay Lord Kingston a visit, and fear I will not (sic) return in time to go
to Clonmel 24 June. So you had better take out the Corporation Book. I have
however spoken to my brother who will be there then to tell all the burgesses that I
wish you to be elected mayor for the ensuing year.

The lord had then barely attained his majority. At nineteen he had
represented Clonmel in parliament. He was surpassed however in legislative
capacity by his brother who became member for the town on his eighteenth
birthday. In the preamble of the Moore patent of nobility, the services of the
family to King William are enlarged on. But the valuable consideration is
no where set forth that they had two proprietary seats for disposal to the
English minister (z).

The corporation of Clonmel as a free institution, had now ceased to
exist, a few meetings in the year being held to register the decrees of the
Mountcashel family. Unlike however, other patrons, it must be set down to
their credit that they did not enrich themselves with the municipal
property. During the eighteenth century there is evidence that that
property was administered upon the whole honestly and in the public
interest While the D'Ouir Hundred Juries were regularly summoned, the
rental was scrutinized, defaulters ordered to be proceeded against, and
various recommendations as to leases and the like, made (aa). The
following are some of the presentments.

[17 10] We present that the Mountain Commons of Clonmell be putt to a Publick
Court to the hiest bider before the I2th of March next and to be sett for a tearme not
exceeding 31 years and that there may be care taken that the freemen of Clonmell may
have their auntient libertyes of graesing, cutting turf and other commonadge as
formerly.

We present that there may be Butts Raisd in severall convenient places to preserve
the bounds and meares of the said commons, and that they may be kept in repaire by
the lesser tenant.

(y) Life of Grattan III., 484.

(z) Authorities for foregoing, "Magistrates Elections, Clonmel " 1700-1800, P.R.O. Journal of
Irish House of Commons. Clonmel Corporation Minute Book 1725 penes Captain Lindsay.
Municipal and Family Papers.

(an) The rental of the corporate estate for 1710 as appears from the presentment for that year
was ;f 184 8s. od.

History of Clonmel. 121

[1714] Mr Hercules Beere [chamberlain] in account returns himself in arrears for
the key and bridge and his holdings on the mountain, two and one-half years ending
25 March 17 14, £91 6. Whereas he has tendered unto us an Account for which he
expects an Allowance wherein we obsearve severall charges for the freemens goods and
others, and whereas the not settling and adjusting the same with him is a veiy great
Loss and Detriment to this Corporation, we therefore present that the Maior and
Councell doe fortwith take proper methods to adjust and settle the said Mr. Beere's
accounts by arbitration or otherwise, so that the Corporation may hereafter know what
aUowance the said Mr. Beere is Intitled vnto out of his rents upon account of his
Demands.

Wee present that a lease be made to Capt. Thomas Batty of Stritches Island for 6l
years from the 25 March next at the present rent.

Wee present that a lease be made to Tho. Tuthall Maior of the peece of ground
behinde his house which he recovered att his own cost, which ground was out of
possession from the corporation 16 years, for 61 years from 25 March next at the
present rent

Whereas Hugh Moore an antient freeman is deprived of his sight and is returned
in arrears to this Corporation wee present that not only the arrears be forgiven him but
that alsoe no rent be demanded him till he recover his sight.

We present that Mr. Tho. Tothall shall pay no rent for the two ends of the bridge
he not enjoying the same, nor for the three quarter of an acre but since the time he hath
enjoyed the same.

[1716] We finde and present that there is a list of arrears returned us and that
due by solvent persons which are amounting to the sum of nine pounds three shillings
and eleven pence which we desire to be fortwith leavyed by distress or otherwise in
order to pay what debt is due by the Corporation.

[1724] We find and present that some lands and severall pieces of ground
belonginge to this Corporation are vnsett viz, a piece of ground neere two mile bridge
formerly tenanted by Coll. Hamerton and land neere Spaw well commonly called the
wood that them {sic) with the rest may be putt to Cant (bb).

Some years later wholesale charges were made of misappropriating the
corporate estate, but the evidence is not now forthcoming. There are indeed
two transactions of a questionable character. In 1741 the mountain and the
greater part of the commons were leased to John Lackey, M.D., at the yearly
rent of £60 l8s. 6d. for lives renewable for ever. Again in 1774 a fee farm
grant of 23 acres at Newtown Anner was made to Sir William Osborne, the
rent reserved being 5s. 7d. an acre.

If the corporation took care of their estate they do not seem to have

fulfilled any other functions. The condition of the town in point of sanitation

was infamous. The householders swept the street in front of their houses at

their discretion, the corporation being merely concerned in keeping clear the

open sewer which ran along the middle of the street, making its way somehow

to the river. Nor was this sewer regularly cleared. In 1716 the D'Ouir

Hundred Jury reported : —

Wee finde and present that the scavanger hath neglected his duty for the time
past in not carrying off the dirt according to his contract, wee desire that he may for
the future be obliged to carry off the same twice a week.

fbbj Presentments, etc., P.R.O.

122 History of Clonmel.

In 1724 the jury had still to complain.

Wee finde and present that Mr. William Ottenbury be a fitt person to be scavinger
to the west parte of this town alsoe Mr. Archibald Owens for the east parte and that
their salleryes be not paid them till their performance be approved of by the Councell.

The following gives another picturesque view of old Clonmel : —

[1724] Wee finde and present that John Evans bell man for being Remiss in his
office, for not taking care to keepe the streets free from Strange Beggars and from Piggs
and particularly for his neglect of takeing care of the Key and Court house for which
he receives salleryes undeservedly, wee therefore present that his sallery may be stopt
till he improves his Diligence.

Again in 1750 : —

Whereas the Inhabitants of the towne of Clonmel labour under great Evills and
Inconveniencies not only from the filth, sudds and Excrements frequently thrown into
the streets of this town by leasy and nasty persons, and by the Inhabitants frequently
neglecting to sweep before their doors when publick Notice is for that purpose given
but also from the great number of Piggs permitted to wander about the said streets to
the greate annoyance of the Inhabitants, for prevention whereof be it Enacted and
Ordained that if any person or persons whosoever, shall from hence forth throw or
leave or cause to be thrown or left, in any of the Streets, Lanes, or Passages of this Town
any Sudds, ffilth, Ashes, or Excrements or shall neglect to sweep before their doors in
the usual manner after reasonable notice given for that purpose, or shall keepe their
Piggs in the streets or permit them to wander therein after due notice given hereof by
the Bellman, that every such offender shall for such or any of the above offences forfeit
any sum not exceeding fine shillings to be adjudged by the Mayor of the town for the
time being according to the nature of such offence, such forfeiture to be recovered in a
summary way by taking summons before the Mavor for the time being and to be
disposed off to the Poor of the parish of Clonmel aforesaid any By law or usage to the
contrary notwithstanding.

At this period the streets afforded strange smells but equally strange
sights and sounds. The shoemaker worked al fresco^ while the pewterer
from his booth made the air ring with sonorous activity. One of the
most characteristic street scenes was removed by Act of the Council,
17th April, 1748. •

Whereas it has been found by experience, that the exposing of butchers meat to
sale in the High street of the said Town of Clonmel is offensive not only to the
Inhabitants but to Strangers passing through the said town, and the butchers blocks in
the said street are an obstruction to passengers and sometimes an occasion of mischief.
To prevent which the Common Council of the said town and borough, encouraged
John Power Esq. deceased to erect shambles in the said town in a convenient place and
since his decease, the said Common Council of the said town have encouraged Elizabeth
the widow and relict of the said John Power to proceed in the said undertaking, which
shambles are completely finished at the expense of the said Elizabeth Power, and twenty
seven stalls for Butchers Inhabitants are contrived within the said shambles and ten
stalls for Butchers Strangers are erected without the said shambles but adjoining
thereunto, for which the said several stalls the said Elizabeth Power hath agreed to
accept of 17s and 4d yearly being 4d by the week to be paid weekly for each and every
stall which is a reasonable and low price for them. To the end therefore that the

History of Clonmel. 123

Butchers of the said town and borough as well Inhabitants as Strangers, may be obliged
to resort to the said shambles and not elsewhere within the said town, which will be a
means to preserve order and decency in the streets of the said town and give the mayor
of the said town and borough a fairer opportunity of seeing and examining whether the
butchers meat designed for the food of the inhabitants be sound and wholesome and
dressed in such a manner as the law directs. Be it enacted, eta, every Butcher
offending shall forfeit the sum of twenty shillings sterling for the use of the poor of the
parish of the said town of Clonmel, to be paid by the chamberlain into the hands of the
minister and churchwardens of said parish.

A destructive fire which occurred in 1765 throws further light on
corporate ways. The Ryalls opened at their bank a fund to provide the
town with a fire engine (cc). The share taken by the Corporation in the
business appears in an entry of the following year.

Ordered that four pounds be allowd to the person that shall attend the fire engine
belonging to this Corporation, the person to be appointed by the Mayor Bailiffs and
Burgesses the Rev. Jos. Moore and as many of the subscribers as please to attend.

How the duties of lighting and paving were fulfilled may be gathered
from the proceedings of the House of Commons, 26th February, 1766, when
a clause was inserted in a bill to enable (among others) the vestry of Clonmel
to raise money upon the inhabitants for paving, gravelling or cleaning the
streets and lanes, and for fixing up lamps to enlighten {sic) such streets and
lanes. Under the spur probably of this threatened legislation, the corporation
on the following 24th June made a grant of £7 13s. for a new pavement in
Bridge Lane, then the most frequented thoroughfare in the town. Hence-
forward the minute books record the sporadic attempts of the corporation to
fulfil one of their elementary duties.

29 September 1768. Ordered that the Bridges, Quay, and Streets of Clonmel be
immediately repaired, and that Mr. Hayman-do undertake the same, and that if the
same be not done to the satisfaction of the Burgesses and Council of this Corporation
that the same is to be at the expense of the said repairs and that the Mayor and
Baylives of this Corporation be the Judges thereof.

The lighting of the town, however, was undertaken by the vestry. The
following — one of many similar entries — appears in the minutes of St. Mary's
vestry.

[1783] Ordered that £50 be laid out on the parish and applotted for lighting the
lamps for the growing yeare, Only upon such persons as inhabit within the town and
suburbs thereof as far as the lamps extend. Messrs. John Bagwell and Edward Howell
were appointed to make such applotment.

The corporation in truth had no money for paving or lighting; the
balances, after liberal salaries to the officials, were devoted to junketing.

(cc) Dec. 12. "Gave Phineas Riall towards the Fire Engine 3 guineas. Gave Rev. Jos. Moore
charity to help the poor whose goods were burnt 5 guineas — William Perry."

124 HISTORY OF CLONMEL.

Disburst for the Corporation of Clonmell at Bally McAdam June the 5th, 1704.

Ingredients for the Punch

01

3

0

Pd for Beefe

00

6

?

Two quarters of Mutton

00

2

Two doz of Chickens

00

2

4

Fireing

00

I

II

Corks

00

0

3

Salt pepper flour Butter

00

0

II

Tobacco and Pipes

00

3

0

Four bottles lost or broke

00

0

8

Pd woman for dressing meat and turning spitt

00

I

6

Bread

00

5

0

For R Bonds horse, ffletchers horse Robert Masons

horse Drumers horse

00

6

0

For the Drumer for his former and present service

00

4

0

Four bottles Cyder

00

3

0

Sword Bearers Horse

00

I

6

To the Meares man Tho Moore

00

I

6

To flFran Mullowney and Walter Strapp

00

6

0

3£ 10 0
Ville de Clonmel j gy j^y^^ ^.^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ Clonmell.

You are hereby Impowered & authorized to pay vnto Mr Henry Cleere the above
sunie of Three pounds Tenn Shillings being for the above uses.

Given under my hand and Seale of Mayoralty this lith of July 1704.

John Wilson Mayor.
To Mr Her : Beere Chamberlaine of the said Towne.

One department of municipal work deserves notice — the defence of the
town. Throughout the first half of the eighteenth century the Whig party
lived in constant apprehension of a Jacobite invasion. Their minds were
haunted by visions of Popish massacres, old Irish landowners, brass money
and French despotism. The corporation of Clonmel took care that the
followers of the Pretender should not surprise the town. The Protestant
apprentices had saved Derry so also they were the mainstay here.

[1710] We present that Stanley Cranwell, William Cranwell, John Poynts, Stopkeys,
William Smith, John Gibs, John Cowly be sworn free of this corp<)ration. We present
that the above named persons may each of them give a muskett into the armory of the
town such as served their tyme in Towne.

The arrival of the Chevalier Charles Stuart in Scotland realized the
worst fears of the Hanoverians. Clonmel however was forearmed. At a
meeting of the corporation, 1st January, 1745, it was

"Ordered, In consequence of the rebellion of the Popish Pretender that there be
immediately an inspection made into all the walls castles, gates and fortifications of
this town in order immediately to fortify and repair the same and put the same in a
position of defence at the expense of the Corporation and that they do forthwith report
the same to this Council that the Corporation may immediately lay in a sufiicient fund
for carrying on the said work with all speed and that the Mayor as soon as such estimate
be given in, do immediately call a Council for this purpose."

History of Clonmel. 125

Though the population increased steadily from 1700 onward, the.
trade of Clonmel remained merely local. The country around was
still a prairie. Joseph Barrett, at Abbey, John Perry, Knocklofty, Stephen
Moore, Chancellorstown, John Carleton, Darlinghill, John Bagwell, Kilmore,
and several others, occupied upwards of a thousand acres each. In
1699 for example. Benjamin Vaughan held the lands of Ballyboe, Ballinvoher,
Ballyvaughan, Killurney, Ballyknockan, Cloughcorrigeen, Ballyglasheen and
others, his stock numbering between 3,000 and 4,000 sheep. Of cattle there
were only 18 cows and 18 plough bullocks. Though the staple product, wool,
declined in value from 14s. 6d. a stone in 1700 to 6s. in 1728, the huge grazing
farms still obtained, the sheep walks being partly turned to pastures for black
cattle. John Carleton, of Darlinghill, died in 1730. His executors' accounts
show 5,130 sheep, valued at £2,320; 147 rams, £427; and 535 head of black
cattle, £1,188 (dd). Enormous though these figures are, the cattle ranches of
Tipperary in 1776, as described by Young, dwarf them into insignificance.

Farms are generally large commonly 3 or 4000 acres and rise up to 10,000 of which
quantity there is one farm, this is Mr. Macarthy's of Spring House near Tipperary and
is I suppose the most considerable one in the world. Here are some of the particulars
of it.

9,000 acres in all — ^£10,000 rent— 8,000 sheep — 2,000 lambs — 530 bullocks — 80 fat
cows--£20,000 value of stock — 200 yearlings — 200 two-year olds — 200 three-year olds —
80 plough bullocks— 180 horses, mares, and foals— 150 to 200 labourers — 200 acres
tillage (ee).

I had heard much of the late Mr. Keating's farm of Garrinlea as the largest that
ever was ; his son gave me the following particulars of it.

£10,000 a year rent, 13,800 Irish acres, 3,000 head of black cattle, 16,300 sheep, 300
horses, 500 couple of ducks, 300 turkies, 90 hogsheads of cyder a year. He had most
of the ground from Golden to Clonmel (ff).

Owing to the sparsity of population the condition of the working classes
throughout this period, compares favourably upon the whole with the state of
things revealed a century later by the Commission of 1834. A working man's
wage-; in the neighbourhood of Clonmel in 1700 was 5d. a day, an artizan's
being lid. ; a bushel of wheat cost 3s. 3d., of peas 3s., a barrel of oats 2s., a

(dd) For a notice of Vaughan see " A Tipperary Fanner and Waterford Trader of Two Centuries
Ago." Waterford Archaeological Journal VIII., 32. Executors' accounts, Robert Marshall, John Perry
and Richard Clutterbook, M.S.

(ee) •* Sept 20, 1775. ^ *iave spent some days most agreeably at Mr. Macarty's of Springhouse
where hospitality was displayed in its best manner, divested of those qualities which of old tarnished
the lustre of that virtue in Ireland. There was no constraint in the article of wine nor indeed in any
other. There was as much ease as in the house of an English Duke. This ancient family have
seen much of the world. The eldest daughter is married to a colonel in the [German] Imperial
service, who is also an officer of state at court. The eldest son whom I met at the assembly is an
officer in the same service and Miss Macarty is but lately returned from visiting her sister. Here we
were at meals even on Sunday regaled with the bag-pipe which to my uncultivated ear is not an
instrument so unpleasant as' the lovers of Italian music represent it."— Philosophical Survey of
South of Ireland. Campbell, Dublin, 1776, p. 141.

(jf) Tour in Ireland, 1776-9. Arthur Young I., pp. 390-1 •

126 HISTORY OF CLONMEL.

chicken id., a lamb is., a ewe 2s., a wether 4s., a fat cow 22s (gg). But
employment was not constant, and wages were rarely paid in cash. The
grazier allotted a plot of land for potatoes and grass for the cow — at this
time every labourer being possessed of one cow or sometimes more. In seasons
when the potato crop partly failed there was acute distress, verging occasion-
ally on famine. The years 1708, 1709, 1727 and the three following ones, so
great was the scarcity, it was proposed to make a certain proportion of tillage
compulsory by law, that the population should not be absolutely dependent
on the potato. Of the awful famine of 1739-1740 no local details are
obtainable beyond the fact that a subscription list for the relief of the poor
was opened in Clonmel. Some measure of the scourge is afforded by an
occurrence of the year 1741. In the autumn of that year the people banded
themselves together to prevent the corn grown in the country, such as it was,
being exported. They stopped the boats at Carrick. The military escort of
horse and foot fired on the crowd. Five were killed, eighteen wounded, and
a proclamation was issued by the Lords Justices offering a large reward for
the apprehension of those who escaped. In 1755 the potato crop again
failing, the poor were reduced to terrible straits during the winter and
following spring. They asked for bread and received a — bullet

Clonmel 12 May 1756.

Sir — As there have been lately severall Riotts and Tumults committed in this town
in the night time by at least Two or Three hundred persons or Mobb under pretence of
stopping of com from being taken out of Town and have broake open severall houses
and windows and took away severall Baggs of Oat Meal and God knows what may be
the consequences if not prevented and as the Civill force cannot be able to quell such
Riotters if they are suffered to go on without the aid of the Military Power I thought it
my duty to acquaint you hereof in order that you may Lay the same before His Grace
the Lord Lieut and Privy Council of this Kingdom that they may doe therein what in
their great wisdom they may think convenient.

I am Sir your most humble servt,

John Hayman Mayor (hh).

But apart from periodical famine, the state of the labourers and working
people generally, grew worse as the century advanced. The disproportion
between wages and prices steadily increased. In 1762 in the district of
Clonmel a labourer had 5d. a day, a mason, carpenter, and slater 13d., a
cooper I5d., a harness maker l8d. On the other hand wheat was lid. a
stone, (potatoes 3s. 3d. a barrel, oats 8s. a barrel, a load of turf 13d., a barrel
of coal 3s., a yard of frieze 13d., a yard of flannel 8j^d. Occasionally prices
were higher still ; in 1766 for example a barrel of potatoes cost 7s. 7d., and a

(^) Commonplace Book of Benjamin Vaughan, penes Captain Vaughan Arbuckle.

(hh) Mayor of Clonmel to Chief Secretary, Civil Corresp., Miscell. C. 23, No. 1287, P.R.O.

History of Clonmel. 127

stone of wheat I4d. But this is not all ; the cottier being paid not in money
but by the truck system, i.e., a patch for potatoes and grass for his cow, these
were set at the highest grazier's estimate. Now as a wether in 1 766 was
value for l8s. 6d,, a three year old bullock £5 8s., and a fat bullock £6 5s.,
the cabin and garden were let at £3, and the grass £2 yearly (ii).

The result is described in a letter of a visitor to Tipperary in September
1775. "The manner in which the poor of this country live I cannot help
calling beastly. For upon the same floor and frequently without any
partition are lodged the husband and wife, the multitudinous brood of
children, all huddled together upon straw or rushes with the cow, the calf,
the pig and the horse, if they are rich enough to have one " (jj). The middle
class farmer and the moderate capitalist scarcely existed ; the country being
divided between the grazing monopolists on the one hand and the
semi-pauper population on the other. As neither of these were calculable
factors in trade and commerce, Clonmel at the time was as somnolent as a
backwood settlement. One had often to send out of town for a pound of
green tea or Bohea. " Ratteens," friezes or coarse linen might be bought
from John Ferris or Ely Blackmore, but when William Perry desired to adorn
himself peacock-like in his broad-cloth coat, velvet vest, doeskin breeches and
three corner gold lace hat, a special journey to Cork had to be made. In the
town which half a century later, saw the magnificent cabinet work of Graham,
it was hardly possible to procure a chair. Timber and other building materials

(ii) Perry Papers, cf. Arthur Young, Tour I., pp. 36-40. While the hulk of the population were
becoming poorer, it is curious to note the graziers passing into the ranks of the gentry. During the
period 1760-1800 parks were enclosed and planted, and mansions built at Knocklofty, Woodroff,
Barne, MarlBeld, Kilmore, Newtown Anner, etc. William Perry — to take an example— succeeded to
Woodroff estate in 1759 on the death of his uncle. In earlier life he had been in trade in Cork with
his father Samuel, as exporter of tallow and ox guts. Bringing his mercantile training to the
management of his estate, he kept a set of letter-books, ledgers, and petty cash books. Between
the years 1760-1764 he erected the house. Bricks were burned locally at a cost of 4/- per 1000
*' common," and 7/6 " stock." Culm was bought at 2/- a barrel, and lime cost 2f d. a barrel, slates 12/-
per 1000. Pour marble mantel pieces tx)ught from Colles of Kilkenny £1$, ' Fourpenny ' nails
2/6 per 1000, * Twopenny ' nails, 10/10, a stock lock 3/3, a padlock 2/8J. There were 10 hearths in
the house for which a yearly tax of 2/- each was paid. The furniture was made by John Walsh of
Waterford. "Chinese side board Table ;f4-ii, * Chinese card Table ;f 2-5-6, 10 chairs £%
* Coope with 2 tops with casters ;f 1-2-9. The dinner service was procured from Liverpool " 2 large
Square Dishes 10/-, 2 Dishes 5/-, 2 great middle dishes 4/-, 4 main middle dishes 6/-, 4 dozen
superfine plates ;f 1-4, 3 sallet bowles 6/-, i large drainer 2/6. A barrell of coal cost 3/-. Tallow
was sent to Dun vi lie of Clonmel who made it into candles at the rate of id. per lb. and soap at \d.
More instructive however are the wardrobe items ; gray ' ratteen ' cost 3/- a yard, linnen 2/4, ruffles
;^i-5-3, cloth for coat 20/- a yard, velvet for vest 12/-, gold lace for hat cost 17/4, pair of shoes
6/6, of buckles for ditto 4/8^, of stockings 6/-, of gloves 5/5, a pair of * britches ' jfi-i, a ' bagg wigg'
18/6, a * cutt wigg ii/4i. Scarcely less curious are the prices paid for the cellar and pantry stock,
Rump and sirloin 2\ per lb, butter 25/6 per cwt., cheese 2\ per lb, a salmon i/io, a pair of turkeys
lod, hive of honey lo/-, green tea 12/- per lb., Bohea tea 6/6, powdered sugar loid, • double refined '
loaf sugar I5d., salt 5/- per stone, tobacco i/- a pound, malt 10/- per barrel, wine £17 per hogshead,
whiskey lod per quart, brandy I7d. From other accounts we learn that the county cess for Iffa and
Offa East at the Spring assizes 1762 was 8/11^ per 100 acres, the vestry charges for New Chapel
and Derrygrath parishes 6/5 and 6/8} per 100 acres respectively.

(jj) Philosophical Survey of South of Ireland, Campbell, Dublin, 1776.

128 History of Clonmel.

were supplied by Messrs. Penrose of Waterford, though one William Bagwell
carried on business in a small way on the quay (kk). Such was Clonmel in
the middle of the eighteenth century. But two events happened about this
time which gave it a new life, multiplied its population four-fold, and won
for it an honoured place in the empire of commerce.

The first of these was the improvement in the navigation of the Suir. In
1755 some traders of Clonmel, local gentry, and a few merchants of Waterford
petitioned the Irish House of Commons, pointing out that the deepening of
the river for navigation, would not only enrich the counties adjacent but be
of considerable benefit to the nation at large.

The present produce of the county of Tipperary consists of black cattle, sheep,
butter, rape seed, and com of most kinds ; the butter is sent from Clonmel by boat to
Waterford where it is exported ; the corn is carried partly to the same port by water
and partly to Cork by land carriage ; some of the rape seed is much used by the oil
mills of the country but a great part is usually carried to Waterford for exportation to
Holland. The carriage of those commodities from Clonmel is at present attended with
great expense and many difficulties upon account of rocks which in some places run
across the river at one of which the water falls several feet so that the boats often strike
thereon and receive great damage, sometimes even sink and the goods lost ; and in
other parts by large stones, banks of grass and the like which so far obstruct the river
that the boats cannot carry especially in summer time above one third of the burthen
that the water would allow them were all those obstacles removed. The usual expense
of hauling a boat formerly from Carrick to Clonmel was from twelve shillings to one
pound but of late the men who are employed in that work by repeated combinations
have advanced their wages to such a degree that it frequently amounts to forty shillings
exclusive of boatmen's wages which are sixteen shillings the trip. If those rocks were
blown up the large banks of gravel taken away and a regular channel made with a
small gravel road on one side of the river, as granted by Act of Parliament, for horses
to draw instead of men, the expense will be r^uced to about one third of what was at
present required and then a boat instead of being two days upon her passage from
Carrick may be brought up in six or eight hours. The freight of goods from Waterford
to Clonmel which is from six shillings and eight pence to ten shillings the ton will then
be reduced to three or four shillings at most ; and butter which pays in summer time
six pence per cask will then be carried for less than two pence. Among the many
advantages that will accrue to the nation by this improvement of inland navigation that
of tillage will be the most considerable the com of the county Tipperary being esteemed
a good deal better than what is produced in many other parts of the kingdom, then
wheat will be carried from Clonmel to Waterford in covered boats at small expense and
thence shipped to Dublin, Cork or other parts of the kingdom and the Tipperary
farmers' produce who paid from 2s. 6d. to 3s. 6d a barrel for the large quantities they
send to Cork will then be carried for one half which will tend greatly to the encourage-
ment of tillage in this country. We therefore pray your House to take the said
navigation into consideration and to do therein as to you shall seem meet.

The following year, 1756, a parliamentary grant of £1,500 was passed
for " making the river Shure navigable from Carrick on Shure to ClonmelL"

(kk) This was not William M.P. in 1756 but an "odious approximation" as Charles I^mb
would say. He was tenant to William Perry who writes 21st May, 1766 to Mr. John Lawton of
Cork " Our uncle Bagwell just now spoke to me to know if I could lend him iso£ which he wants
to complete his building in Clonmell. I should be much better pleased to let him have it than most
I know as he has a very pritty thing now in Clonmell worth I believe 7 or 8oO;f and is the most
punctuall man that can be in paying me his rent."

History of Clonmel. 129

But like most of the undertakings of the time, the money seems, in great part at
least, to have found its way into other channels than the river. In 1761 a
committee of the Commons consisting of Sir William Osborne, John Bagwell
and others, was appointed to report on the work, to ascertain what portion
of the funds was unapplied, and in whose hands these funds were. At
length, five years later, the channel was sufficiently deepened and the rocks
removed to permit the free passage of boats of ten tons. A quarter of a
century subsequent, the matter became again urgent. On February 15th,
1790, the corporation of Clonmel together with the traders and manufacturers
petitioned the Commons.

The town of Clonmel for a considerable time past has been growing in commerce
and manufactures, and if encouraged is likely to become a place of extensive trade ; its
situation on the banks of the Suir a large navigable river in the heart of a most fertile
country, has essentially contributed to render the said town a very eligible mart for all
kinds of grain, which are purchased and sent from thence to Dublin by the Grand Canal
and coastways, also to a variety of foreign markets both in a manufactured and
unmanufactured state, and in such great abundance, that the said town and its environs
may without any exaggeration be considered one of the greatest, if not the best corn
market in the kingdom from which not only Clonmel and the county of Tipperary but
the neighbouring counties and the kingdom in general derive material advantage ; the
tow path or trackway of the said river which is absolutely necessary for the purpose of
navigation has been by floods and various causes rendered nearly impassable in many
places for the horses to haul up the boats. Your suppliants therefore humbly pray
that the Grand Jury of the County of Tipperary may be enabled to present from time
to time such sums as shall appear necessary for the improvement of the said tow path
or track way (//).

Nothing, however, was done until the following year, when on a similar
petition the Solicitor General and Stephen Moore were ordered to prepare a
bill to empower grand juries to make presentments for the purpose.

The other event which contributed to the prosperity of the town was the
foundation of the milling industry, intimately connected as it was, with the
breaking up of the cattle ranches and the introduction of tillage. In 1757
Edmund Sexten Perry, afterwards Speaker of the Irish Commons, carried
through a Bill which granted bounties on the land carriage of corn to Dublin.
For every five hundred-weight of flour brought to that market, a premium of
three pence per mile (deducting the first ten miles) was granted ; for every
five hundred of wheat and barley, three halfpence, and of oats one penny.
Whatever may be thought of the economic soundness of this measure, its
effects on the agriculture of the country were important and wide-spread.
In 1759 there were brought to Dublin from Co. Tipperary 1,103 quarters of
corn and meal, the bounty earned being £276 4s. 4d., but there is no mention

(II) Parliamentary Records, P.R.O.

130 History of Clonmel.

of flour. Seven years later we find 1,502 cwts. of flour from Tipperary, sent
for the most part from the mills of Dalton and Coughlan of Carrick, and
Doherty of Moorstown. In 1769 the earliest of the local millers appears in
the Dublin market — William Ryan of Abbey, who sent 45 cwt. This year,
however, was nearing completion at Marlfield a mill on a scale that had never
been seen before. Stephen Moore seems to have inherited all the energy
and enterprise of his great-grandfather, Richard of the Commonwealth
period. His career — banker, grazier, miller, agriculturist — stands out in
sharp contrast with those of the squalid squires of Tipperary at the time.
Arthur Young who visited Marlfield in 1776 gives the following details : —

His mill was built seven years ago and cost £15000; the wages of the millers
including candles, coals, soap tallow, etc £700 or £800 a year; it contains nine stones
for wheat and four for oatmeal ; it has a very complete apparatus for sifting, cleaning
etc. and granaries of uncommon magnitude holding lOOOO barrels ; began to be worked
with only 3,000 barrels of wheat in a year, which has risen gradually to 20,000 barrels in
1776 a very strong proof of the great increase of tillage in the neighbourhood. Very
much of it is between Clonmel and Cashel, in which tract there was formerly more
sheep in one parish than now in three ; also much in the Cork road to Clogheen
but no mountain heath ground improved. The change has been from sheep to bullocks.
He has a prospect of doing yet more and at the same time other mills have been erected
that grind much, perhaps the whole is not short of 40,000 barrels. The farmers do not
bring their wheat from a greater distance than sixteen miles. Mr. Moore finds it
necessary to kiln-dry all. I mentioned to him the bad colour of all the wheat in his
own and every other mill in Ireland ; he attributed it only to wet harvests. He sends
his flour to Dublin on the bounty, which rather more than pays the expense of
carriage 6d. per cwt. Never exports on his own account but sends a little to Water-
ford. It goes to Dublin in cars which take each eight to ten cwt. that is from
four to five bags. He used to pay 3s. a cwt. in winter and 3s. 6d. in summer for 84
miles but now the price is 2s. 6ci. in summer and 3s. in winter. Mr. Moore tried
English broad wheeled wagons with high priced strong horses but they did not answer
at all : he has found the cars to carry much greater loads.

Mr. Moore contracts for biscuit, which he bakes in large quantities and bread for
the whole town of Clonmell. He has eight ovens going for biscuit. Starch he also
makes large quantities of. Adjoining his flour mill he has erected a rape mill for
making oil ; the seed is all raised in the neighbourhood. The cake sells at 48s. a ton
and is exported, some to Holland but most to England for manure (mm).

From the 24th June, 1771, to 24th June, 1772, Moore sent to Dublin 13,842
cwts. of flour, receiving a bounty of £2,838 15s. 4d. ; the following year the
quantity was 13,207, and the bounty £2,705 8s. lid. The slight decrease was
probably due to the Quaker opposition. In that year John Grubb opened
the Anner Mills, sending to Dublin 5,428 cwts., the bounty paid being
£1,094 15s. lid. After some keen competition, a working arrangement was
come to between Moore and Grubb. An imaginary line was drawn through
the Main Guard, north and south. All farmers west of this line had perforce

(mm) Tour in Ireland I., pp. 395-6. Unfortunately, it may be added, Moore a few years
subsequent met the fate which often befalls over-speculation, the bankruptcy court.

History of Clonmel, i3i

to sell their corn to Moore, all east, to Grubb (nn). On the collapse of Moore
some years later, the milling trade was largely monopolized by the Quakers.
About 1778 a member of that body, Simmons Sparrow, the son of a local
baker, who had owned a modest mill at Tubberaheena, opened the huge Suir
Island mills, and soon occupied the premier position (00). He was followed
in the same locality by the firm of Robert Grubb & Co. In November, 1781,
Edward Collins obtained a lease from the corporation of the old corporation
mill on Little Island, and erected thereon new mills at a cost of £l2,000. He
had previously taken over the Marlfield mills from the assigns of Stephen
Moore (pp). Three years later, in 1784, Thomas Morton exchanged his trade
of distiller for that of corn miller, and took the Manor mills from James
Keyes on a lease for lives renewable, at a rent of nearly £100 a year. About
the same period John Bagwell purchased the lease of Marlfield, and carried
on extensive corn milling and biscuit making there. Within the next thirty
years a network of corn mills was spread over the country until every river
was dammed and every mountain stream pent up (qq). When in I797it was
proposed to abolish the system of bounties, the milling industry was so firmly
established, that it stood in no need of public subsidies. " The principal
millers," said Lord Clare, " in the neighbourhood of Clonmell, a part of the
kingdom from which there is a considerable influx of corn to the city, do not
complain of the bill ; on the contrary many have declared that they will not
suffer any loss from it " (rr).

Besides flour milling there were at this period a number of minor
industries. In 1785 Clonmel counted fourteen manufacturers of tobacco who
paid to the revenue for that year 2d. per 5 lbs. on 16,499 lbs., and 8d. per 5 lbs.
on 5,931 lbs. The tanning of leather had also been carried on for a
considerable time by the enterprising quakers, Peter Banfield, Thomas and
Samuel Rigg. The woollen manufacture was inconsiderable. " The poor

(nn) Information penes Mr. B. Clibborn, a descendant of Grubb.

(00) He built Oaklands house, and was succeeded by his son Richard, who died in 18 10.

(pp) Flour sent to Dublin by land carriage from 24th June, 1781, to 24th June, 1782. Anner,
John Grubb, 4,534 cwts., bounty £$^ 15s. Clonmel, Simmons Sparrow, 6,527 cwts., £%(k) 12s. 4d.
Clonmel, Robert Grubb & Co., 1,318 cwts., ;f 174 los. 8d. Marlfield, Edward Collins, 6,234 cwts.,
;f83i 28.

(qq) It was not without much searching of heart the landowners saw the sheep and black cattle
disappear, and the pastures broken by the plough . As a preliminary the farms had to be sub-divided.
" 1 did not expect after what you were pleased to express to me last Feb. that you would have
cottierd out my Grounds in the manner you have which must be attended with constant disagreeable
matter to me. I therefore shall insist on the covenants in the lease being performed." — W. Perry
to Maurice Lonergan, 5th April, 1780. " In consequence of .Liberty given me by Wm. Perry Esq.
to plough a field of 8 or 9 acres of the lands of Newcastle which by his lease to the late Joseph
Cooke was reserved from being ploughed under a certain Penalty I do hereby engage to manure the
said field with Roach Lime at the rate of 100 barrels to each and every acre at the least and that after
three crops have been taken off I will lay down the same for grass or in default I will pay the
Penalty specified. 15 March 1787, Thomas Kearney." — Perry Papers.

(rr) Annals of Agriculture xxix., p. 157.

132 History of Clonmel,

Catholicks in the South of Ireland," notes the observant Young, " spin wool
very generally but the purchasers of their labour and the whole worsted trade
is in the hands of the Quakers of Clonmel, Carrick, etc." fssj. These exported
the wool in yarn to Bristol or Norwich, and after paying freight, landing
duties and the rest, reaped a handsome profit, having had the wool spun at
the living wage of two pence a day ftt). An industry which dates from this
period and which after many vicissitudes still exists, is brewing. During the
eighteenth century people made their own beer as well as baked their own
bread, and among the household expenditure will be found items for the
purchase of hops and the malting of barley (uuj. Tea was still a luxur} only
obtainable by the wealthy, and instead tnilk, small beer and cider were
drunk. In 1785 there were in Clonmel 128 maltsters, the number of malt
houses being 191. The following year the first malt tax was levied in Ireland,
Id. per bushel, with the result that the consumption of beer declined and
spirits increased. A considerable amount of whiskey was distilled by
Thomas Morton, James Daniel, David Malcomson and others, and sold at the
price of 3s. 4d. a gallon, the duty being only is. 4J4d. The state of the
brewing industry may be conjectured from such advertisements in the local
newspapers as "Just landed at Michael Luther's Stores oh the Quay, Clonmel,
150 Tierces best London porter which he will sell at Waterford prices free of
charges, 17 March 1792 " (wj. Ehiring the years 1791-1794 the decline in
brewing and the excessive use of low-priced spirituous liquors, were much
discussed in the Irish parliament, and at length a resolution was come to
withdrawing the tax on beer. The effects were immediately felt. The
following year, 1795, the firm of Thomas and Samuel Morton began the
erection of the brewery and stores in Morton Street (long known as Brewery
Lane) on a scale equal to the Cork and Dublin breweries. They were
followed three years later by Messrs. Greer and Murphy in Dowd's Lane and
Nelson Street, where the industry carried on by the representatives of the
family, still flourishes after the lapse of a century.

Many of the Clonmel business folk at this period accumulated consider-
able fortunes, and their families passed into the ranks of the county gentry
and thus became permanently associated with the locality. The following,
being the earliest list of the traders of the town, may be therefore of sulSicient
interest for insertion here.

(ss) Tour II., p. 65.

(tt) Ibid I., p. 299. In June, 1763, William Perry of Woodroff sold John Ferris of Clonmel
looi^ stones of wool at iis. per stone, the amount being ;f55o i6s. 6d.

(nu) 1766 Ap. 4— Pd. the miller at Abbey for grinding 2^ bar malt before and 2 now 3s. 4d.
Oct. 3— Pd. Jos. Kendrick for 3 lb. hops at 2s. 8d. — 8s.— Perry Papers.

(VI*) Clonmel Gazette.

History of Clonmel, 133

Directory of Clonmell, 1787 (wwJ.

Bankers, William & Phineas Riall, their hours of attendance from 10 to 2 o'clock.

Their holidays Christmas Easter and Whitsun holidays only.
Bagwell John Esq, proprietor of the Mills at Marlfield and Corn Merchant.
Baldwin James Esq proprietor of the rape mills near Clonmel.
Behilly Thomas, grocer, Main Street.
Bell Henry dealer in Spirits, Hawk Street.

Boardman Hannah, clothier and worsted manufacturer, Irishtown.
Bradford Joseph, Cutler Main Street.
Brennock Bartholomew, chandler & soap boiler, Main St.
Brown Catherine, Mercer, Main St.
Bryan Denis, Glover hosier. Main St.
Butler John Hardware Merchant, Main St.
Cantwell Thomas, victualler & tanner Irishtown.
Carey Rev. Richard, free school Church lane.
Carey William, leather Cutter Main St.
Castell John, Tanner Main St.
Chaytor Thomas, Boarding School Barrack St.

Close Richard; Linen & Woollen-draper & proprietor of bleach-green Main St.
Cole George, Attorney at law Church-lane.
Collett Francis, Sadler Hawke St.

„ John, Grocer & tanner Main St.

„ Benjamin, druggist & apothecary Main St.

„ Stephen, Sadlier cap & whip maker „

„ Robert, „ Main St.
Collins Edward, Printer & Wine Merchant Barrack St.
Commin Philip, Merchant dealer in hardware & ironmonger Main St.
Commin Richard, Woollen draper Main St.
Constable Robert, Surgeon & apothecary Barrack St.
Corbett Mary, Grocer Main St.
Craven J, BaJcer „

Crotty John Woollen draper Irish Town.
Daniel James, Clotheir Abbey St.

„ John, Shoemaker & leather cutter Main St.
Davis Samuel, Clotheir Main St.

„ Richard, „ Powerstown near Clonmel.

„ Simon, Shoe maker Hawk St.
Den mead Adam & Henry, ironmonger white Smith & Auctioneers, Hawk St.
Dillon Walter, Leather cutter Main St.
Dudley & Mason, Hardware merchants Main St.

„ Jonathan, M.D. Barrack St.

„ Robert, Miller & Corn Merchant Suir Mills.
Dumville Henry, Soap boiler & Chandlier Main St

„ John, Grocer & Spirit Merchant Watergate St.
„ James, Soap boiler & Chandlier Main St.
Dunn Philip, Coach maker Hawk St.
Dunn Thomas, turner „

Dwyer Edmund, distiller Suir Island.
„ Confectioner Main St.

„ William, Dealer in Spirits Hawk St.
English Edmond, Attorney at Law & Notary Public Watergate St.
Fell Richard, Painter & Glazier Main St.
Fennessy Thomas, Nursery & Seedsman Irish town.
Fitzpatrick Richard, Brewer Irish town.

(WW) Small 8vo., the imprint unfortunately wanting, penes J. £. Grubb, Esq., Carrick-on-Suir.

134 History of Clonmel.

Fitzgerald Richard, Grocer Main St.
Flood Michael, Apothecary „
Godwin Eliza, Boarding School Meeting House Lane.
Going Stephen, Chandlier Irish town.
Gordon Thomas, Merchant Brewer tanner Suir Island.
Gorman William, Grocer Main St.
Green George, M.D. „

. Gregory Robert, White Smith Irish town.
Grubb Joseph, Merchant & Clothier Barrack St.

„ Samuel, Butter & Com Merchant Main St.

„ John & Joseph, Grocers Main St.

„ Thos. & Samuel, Millers & Com Merchants Suir Island.

„ Grubb & Beeby, Clothiers & Merchants Main St

„ Sarah, Miller & Com dealer Anner Mills.

„ George, Clothier Hawk St.
Hackett Valentine, Baker Bridge Lane.
Harris Richard, M.D. Obstich Professor Barrack St.
Harvey John, Sadler Hawk St.

„ Theophilus, Boot & Shoe Maker Hawk St.
Hayman Rebecca, Grocer Main St*

„ Samuel, Attorney at law & Notary Public Church Lane.
Hayden Thomas, tanner Irishtown
Hickman Wray, Clothier Abbey St.
Hill John, Silver Smith Barrack St..
Hines Francis, Pewterer & Brass founder Main St.
Holliday Mary, Milliner Main St.
Hope Thomas, Slater Hawk St.
Howell Edward & John, Millers & Corn Merchants Corporations Mills Suir Island.

„ Edward, Sadler, Main St.
Hynes Peter, Boot & Shoe maker Main St.
Jones Richard, Clothier & tanner Suir Island.
Kearney Michael, Ironmonger Main St.

„ Elinor, Grocer Main St.

„ Andrew, Baker „

„ Catherine, Grocer „
Keating Walter, Grocer Ironmonger Main St.

„ John, Baker Hawke St.
Kelly Wm, Linen & Woollen draper Main St.
Kendrick Joseph, Grocer Main St.
Kelly John, Spirit merchant & porter rQom Main St.
Kennedy Ralph, Sadler & Cap Maker Main St.
Keily Patrick, tanner Irish town.
Keily John, Linen draper Main St.

„ Jeremiah, Soap Boiler & chandlier Main St.
Kingdom Wm, Clothier Hawke St.
Leary Ann, Boot & Shoe maker Main St.
Lee Arthur, Surveyor of excise Church Lane.
Legg John, Boot & Shoe maker Hawke St.
Lester George & Richard, Painters & Glaziers Hawke St.
Lewis Michael, Sadlier & bridle cutter Main St.
Lloyd Mary, Mercer Main St.
Lonergan Stephen, Grocer „
Lowe Philip, Vintner Bear Inn Main St.
Lord Thomas, Printer Market St.
Lucas Thomas, Surgeon & Apothecary Barrack St.
McCheane Jeremiah, Weigh master & Butter merchant quay.

Mary, Grocer Irishtown.
McKenna Edmond, Wine Merchant Main St.

History of Clonmel. 135

Malone James, Woollen Draper & tobacco-nist Main St.
Morgan Philip, Gun Maker Main St.
Morton Thomas, distiller Barrack St.

„ James, Miller & Com Merchant Bridge.
Murphy John, Soap Boiler & tobacconists Main St.

„ Bridget, Linen draper haberdasher Main St.

„ Thomas, Grocer Main St.

„ Francis, Boot & Shoe maker Main St.
Neagle Patrick, Surgeon Main St.
O'Neill Cornelius, Grocer & linen draper Main St.
Pearson William, Attorney at law Barrack Street.
Pedder Benjamin, Clothier & dyer Main St.
Phelan James, Linen & Woollen draper Main St.
Quin John, hardware Barrack St.
Rigg Samuel, tanner Irishtown.
Rivers Richard, Merchant Brewer and tanner Main St.
Rodolphus Rumbold, Auctioneer Church Lane.
Ryan Widon & Son, Vintners Globe Inn and livery stables East gate.
Ryan Cavan, linen draper Main Street.
Ryan Eliza, linen draper Main street.
Sargent Richard, clothier Irishtown.

Shaw Thomas, woolen draper timber merchant and postmaster office Main Street.
Shaw Moses, grocer Bridge Lane.
Sparrow Simmons, corn merchant Suir Island.
Stockdale and Malcomson, linen drapers and grocers, Main Street.
Taylor John, hosier and linen draper Main Street
Taylor Thomas, corn merchant Irishtown.
Taylor Samuel, Baker and grocer Main Street.
Taylor William, woolen draper and Taylor Irishtown.
Thompson William, goldsmith and watchmaker Barrack Street.
Thompson John, leather cutter Irishtown.
Vaughan John, Staffordshire warehouse Watergate St.
Villers Robert, grocer Main Street.

Wallace John, clerk and receiver of customs and excise office Watergate St.
Wall John, glass and china man Main Street.
Walsh Michael, grocer Main Street.
Walsh Elinor, haberdasher Main Street.
Walsh David, white smith Hawk St.
Weston Thomas, attorney-at-law Watergate Street.
Weston John, salt and lime works Raheen near Clonmel.
White Henry, haberdasher Main Street.
White James, haberdasher and merchant Main Street.
White Agnes, Tobacconist Irishtown.
Whitton Elizabeth, tallow chandler Irishtown.
Wilkinson Robert, sadler Main Street.
Wood Joseph, merchant Main Street.
Wood Josiah, corn merchant Main Street.
Airy Phineas, gent. East gate near Clonmel.

CLONMEL IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY (Continued).

JF the picture of Clonniel in the eighteenth century, growing in trade
and population, is a pleasing one, there were certain aspects of social
and municipal life which are not pleasant to contemplate nor easy
to write about dispassionately. The penal code has not yet had an
historian ; perhaps its very atrocity and preterhuman completeness of cruel
detail, have given rise to the assumption that it never found its way outside
the statute book (xx). Unfortunately, however, the slightest original research
among the records of the time — property evidences, documents connected
with the civil administration, domestic correspondence — reveals not merely
its multiplex operations, but discovers everywhere the spirit of which it was
only the legal embodiment. And therefore, as will be observed, the local
authorities so far from mitigating the rigours of the code, often gave it a
special force and edge in the execution.

In 1697 the Act of William IIL, c. 26, was passed. By section I, all popish
archbishops, bishops, vicars, deans, Jesuits, monks and friars were ordered out
of the kingdom by 1st of May, 1698. Section 2 forbade anyone harbouring or
concealing them under a penalty of £20 for the first offence. If convicted a third
time the penalty was forfeiture of all goods and chattels and of freehold estate
for life. Proclamation was made forthwith. In vain, however ; few if any
departed, and so the Catholic bishop of Waterford, Dr. Pierce, together with the

(xx) The best account of the Penal Laws in their operation, is to be found in Lecky's Ireland in
the 1 8th Century. But one chapter in a four volume book is quite disproportionate. The
Croniwellian Settlement and the Penal Code have shaped the whole course of Irish history in
modern limes.

History of Clonmel. 157

regular clergy were all seized and imprisoned in Waterford gaol. There they
were kept for more than a year pending their transportation as provided by
statute. In 1698 shipping was obtained and twenty-six were put on board
for France. It was high treason to return, but —

Quid leges, sine moribus

Vanse proficiunt ?
Benedict Sail, Francis Doyle and others, we learn from the Franciscan
records, were a few years later, again in Clonmel.

Meanwhile certain persons were noticed in the country, strongly
suspected to be Jesuits, regular priests and agents of the Pretender — so
correspondents reported to Secretaries Southwell and Dawson. Accordingly
Parliament set to work again. " Whereas two acts lately made for banishing
all regulars of the popish clergy out of this kingdom and to prevent popish
priests from coming into the same, maybe wholly eluded unless the
government be truly informed of the number of such dangerous persons as
still remain among us for remedy whereof be it enacted," etc. Priests were
to repair to the next quarter sessions of the peace to be held in their several
counties, and there furnish the Clerk of the Crown with such particulars of
their age, abode, place of ordination and the like as would enable them to be
subsequently identified. Pursuant to the Act, at the quarter sessions for
Tipperary held at Nenagh, nth July, 1704, a register of the priests of the
county, sixty-two in number, was made. In that list were Edward Comerford,
Doctor of the Sorbonne, and Dr. Tonnery, the parish priest of Clonmel — men
who had defended theses and carried off the highest honours at foreign
universities — or others of ancient lineage as James Butler of the Ormond
family, parish priest of Kilcash, and Eustace Brown of Emly, kinsman of
Lord Kenmare. Or again, Luke White, son of John White, Mayor of Clonmel
during the Cromwellian siege, who having eaten the bitter bread of exile
fifty years before, might now in his last days have been left in peace (yy).
The sinister object of the statute came out five years later. The Act 8 Ann,
cap. 3, sect. 23, enacted " All popish priests who have been registered in
pursuance of the former act/^r registering the popish clergy shall take the oath
of abjuration before the 25th day of March, 1710, in one of the four courts at
Dublin, or at some quarter sessions when such popish priests have been
registered, and upon neglect or refusal, and after the 25th day of March
celebrating mass or olfficiating as a popish priest, such popish priest shall
incur such penalties as a popish regular clergyman convict by the laws of

(yy) A List of the Names of the Popish Priests, &c. Dubh'n : Printed by .Andrew Crook,
Printer to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, 1705.

138 History of Clonmel.

this realm is liable unto." The priests had now three alternatives — to desert
their flocks and flee the country, to abjure their faith, or lastly, to face the
penalties of high treason. They chose the third course. Forthwith in
company with the hunted sons of the former Irish landowners, they were
proclaimed at the assizes tories and rebels out upon their keeping, or again
rewards were offered for their apprehension ranging from £50 to ' £20
according to their ecclesiastical status. But though the degraded Parliament
resolved that "the prosecuting and informing against papists was an
honourable service," (zz) it is to the credit of the friendly Protestants of the
neighbourhood that no one would inform. A professional spy soon arrived
in the town.

Clonmell ye loth of Jany 1712.

May it please yr Excellencies.

I have been disappointed in serving ye Govmt in ye County of Wexford by ye ill
management of some of ye Justices of ye Peace there as it shall appeare before yr
Excellencies in Council in a very short time ; in ye meane time there is extraordinary
good service to be done in this towne by takeing of severall persons of greate note of
ye Popish clergy lately come from France and Rome, more particular Thomas Ennis
[Rev. Thomas Hennessy, S.J.] who goes under the name of a Popish bishop, : he acts
here after the Rules of a Cardinal! : on the sixth of this inst. called twelfth day, he was
in a Bishops habit with a mighter [mitre] upon his head and all other extream rich
Robes belonging to that order, he celebrated high mass in ye Mass house without the
West gate of this towne, where he had a vast company of people which showed
him as much Reverence as if he had been ye Pope by kissing his hands, and ye
very ground whereon he trod, all which I was an eye witness off. There is another
person here who takes upon him ye title of a Bishop, he goes by ye name of Mr.
Bourk but his right name is Salt, [Rev. B. Sail, O.S.F.] There is also another whose
name is Father Adams, he is turned father Confessor in particular to ye women
and is manageing a way to put upp a private Nunnery, all those I have seen
officiate. I must take leave to assure yr Excellencies they are very dangerous
persons. Thomas Ennis has of late years been a great spy in ye Court of England,
They all go by contrary names : one them is ye Titulate bishop of Derry who has
been already taken by the Lords Justices and Council but was Rescued out of ye
Custody of Capt Mfchael Cole as his Grace ye Archbishop of Dublin and Mr. Justice
Cook can inform yr Excellencies, and give better satisfaction of the truth hereof.
I think it fitt to give you the names of the persons who entertains them privately
in their howses viz. Richard Stritch and Patrick Morony Merchts, James Sherlocke
apothecary and one Tonory, these are ye persons who entertains them and in whose
howses their goods and papers are now concealed. I also think it requisite to give
yr Excellencies an Account of severall of ye persons who have heard and saw them
Officiate as aforesaid, viz. Thomas Pursell, Francis Morony, Nicholas White, Michael
Davan Merchts, John Maugher, William Morony, Patrick ffitz Patrick, James
Sherlock apothecary, Richard Stritch and Patrick Morony Merchants, James Tonnory,
these are ye names of ye most materiall persons who to my certaine knowledge, have
been hearing them. I desire they may (if yr Excellencies thinks fitt) be examined upon
Oath of what they knowe concerning ye persons aforesaid. I am credibly informed
there are some Protestants in this town who are largely bribed by those disaffected
persons iFor winking at their actions. I have this night been in private with Major

(zz) Commons Journal III., p. 319.

History of Clonmel. 139

Cuthbcrt Wilkinson Collector of Clonmell, with whom I advised concerning this matter,
his advice to me was to apply myself to yr Excellencies for an order not only to ye
Civill magestrates but alsoe to ye Commanding officer of ye troops of this Barracks,
to take with him as many men as maybe sufficient for apprehending these men
without which (ther^e being so vast a number of Popish mobb in this towne) it
cannot possibly be done: and withall humbly begg (if yr Excellencies thinks
convenient) to mention particularly in that order Thomas Batty and Robert Hamerton
Esquires Justices of ye Peace for this County to act in this affair as yr Excellencies
shall thinke fitt, and that the order and letters maybe enclosed to ye Collector who
is a Gentleman that I find would be very ready to serve ye Government if he were
in Commission of Peace and I humbly desire that no letter or order may be writt
directly to ye Mayor of ye Town, or to any other person except those who are
nominated above for some good reasons which shall hereafter appeare before yr
Excellencies and in so doing I doubt not but ye service will be compleated to yr
Excellencies satisfaction. I humbly beg there may be directions given that I may
be safely protected in ye Execution hereof, or otherwise I shall be knoct in ye head.
I would have directed this to yr Excellencies but fearing there should be any
notice taken thereof in ye Post Office here, have given it to Major Wilkinson to
mclose to Sir Thomas Southwell. I must further beg leave to acquaint yr Excellencies
that there is great disorder on foot in this town I am afraid to explain myself fully
before 1 can before yr Excellencies. Had I any person here who is a stranger in this place
in whom I could trust, I could putt him in a way to see those people Officiating in their
habits for there is no one here I dare have discovered my self and design to, but ye
Collector and one Richard Scott who is officer of Excise in ye town of Clonmel, who
makes it his business in his walk to take a vew of those people as well as ye howses
wherein they lodge. I humbly beg when they are apprehended that they may not be
allowed to have any conference with each other. I alsoe humbly beg (if yr Excellencies
thinks fitt to write to ye Mayor of ye town) that it may be enclosed to ye Collector with
order not to be delivered to ye Mayor till I think fitt. With all humility and obedience
I beg leave to subscribe my selfe yr Excellencies most obedient humble servt.

Edv^tard Tyrrell (a).

By the same post Tyrrell sent a letter to the Protestant Archbishop of
Dublin. " I have writt to their Excellencies ye Lords Just, under a cover in
Major Cutberth Wilkinsons packett, Collector of Clonmell, directed to Sir
Thomas Southwell, wherein I have given them an account at large of a
Cardinall that now is in this towne from ye Pope lately come over as also
of some other Bishops and Popish clergy that are now in private meetings
and among them there is ye titulate Popish Bishop of Derry whose name is
Edmund Cane but goes here by ye name of Addams. I doe remember that
yr Grace was in ye Councill about three years agoe, when an order passed
for apprehending ye said Cane and directions being sent to Capt. Michael
Cole Justice of Peace in this county who apprehended ye said Cane but was
Rescued from ye said Justice, in short I must assure yr Grace there is about
nine hundred of those sort of persons landed in this kingdom what without
doubt is not come upon any good design " (b).

(a) Endorsed To their Excellencies ye Lds Justices of Ireland.— Civil Correspondence, Miscell-
aneous, P.R.O. Dublin.

(b) Ibidem.

140 History of Clonmel.

Wilkinson probably soon found that in his effort to obtain the
Commission of the Peace, Tyrrell could be of little assistance. The issue of
the matter we learn therefore from the following : —

Clonmel January 21, 1712.

Sir— I receaved yours of the 17th. By direction of theyr Excellencies ye Lords
Justices and Councell and inclosed in it a copy of a letter from Edward Tyrrell to theyr
Excellencies ye lOth instant from this town setting forth he could discover severall
Popish Bishops and Regulars that were then in Clonmell. Pursuant to directions, on
receipt of the Letter I immediately inquired of Major Wilkinson, ye Collector, and Mr.
Scott, the Excise officer, what they knew of this matter and finde Tyrell^ was in this
town for a boute a fortnight until last Saturday having notice given him by Major
Wilkinson that he was advised not to have any further commerce with him, he
immediately went out of this town as he pretended towards Corke which is all I can
hear of this matter only that from a greater concours of papists then usuall, resorting
this town of late, I believe there have been some such persons here of the Romish Clergy
as above mentioned. But for the present I think they are dispersed, not from any
apprehension of being discovered by Tyrell but severall of the chief of the papist
inhabitants of this town happening att this time to be summoned to take the oathes,
theyr clergy have taken ye alarme and are absconded.

I am Sir

Your most humble servt,

Tho. Batty ^cA

The priest hunting continued at intervals through the first half of the
eighteenth century. It was particularly active about 1715 and 1745, when the
Hanoverian succession was threatened by the Jacobites. Early in 1714
reports began to reach the Executive that the magistrates of Tipperary were
not as efficient as they might be, in executing the popery laws. The Chief
Secretary, Dawson, complained to the High Sheriflf, John White. White
wrote from Cappagh 2nd June, 1714.

Inclosed I send you a letter which I received from severall of the Justices of
the peace of this county, which they desired may be layd before their Excellencies
the Lords Justices, with full assurance that they will strictly putt the laws in
Execution against all Popish priests and all other persons whatsoever who shall
refuse to abjure the pretender and will not be ameanable to the laws. I persume I may
in a short time give their Excellencies a good account of the proceedings of all the
Justices of the peace of this County, most of whom have assured me that they will in
their respective Barronys, putt the laws in Execution according to their Excellencies
Directions, against all persons obnoxious to the laws (d).

Nine days later the justices met at Cashel in long consultation, and
White assured Dawson the best results would follow from the meeting (c).
And he was as good as his word.

Tipperary June 23, 1714.

Sir — In obedience to the directions which we received from his Grace the Duke of
Shrewsbury Lord Lieutenant of the Kingdom and Counsel! by their letter of the 28

(c) Endorsed to James Dawson Esqr, att her Maties Castle, Dublin. — Civil Correspondence, 4 Q
II, i,P.RA

(d) Civil Correspondence P.R.O.

(c) White to Dawson, Cappagh, 12th June, 17 14— Ibid.

History of Clonmel. i4i

of May last, we summoned the principal popish inhabitants of the Barony of Clanwilliam
td appear before us at Tipperary on the 22 inst. on purpose to inquire into the matter
contained in the said letter, but our summons not being regarded by them, we were forct
to have recourse for information to the meaner sort of people by whom we found that
Thomas Grace and David Hedderman popish priests (and not qualified by law to
exercise their function) have of late Sellebrated Mass in the Parishes of Tipperary,
Latten and Six)nell, for which we issued warrants against them. As to the other matter
which we were directed to inquire into, we cant yet receive satisfactory information by
reason that those who are privie to them, refuse to appear to give information concerning
them but we desire you will assure their Excellencies the Lords Justices, that we will
use all proper means to discover whatsoever has been practiced to preiudice her Matie
and the peace of her kingdom. We must observe to you, that we summoned some new
converts whose conduct and behaviour gave us grounds to feare they were not sincere
Protestants, with purpose to tender the. abjuration oath but they also refused to appear,
for which reason we have Issud warrants against them. We purpose soon to meet
again on this occasion and you shall be informed of our proceedings that you may give
their Excellencies account of the same.

We are Sir, Your humble servants

Jas DAV\rsoN
loNA Ashe
William Barker

MATHEV\r BUNBURY^/y.

After the Jacobite collapse of 171 5, the priests for some years enjoyed
comparative peace. One of the two in Clonmel, a Jesuit named Gorman,
wrote in 1725 .— " Father Hennessy and I have charge of the whole of Clonmel
and its neighbourhood for a league out. We have to attend sick calls
constantly by day and often by night. We instruct, each of us, after the
Gospel of his Mass on all Sundays and holidays, and we chant vespers in our
own fashion, after which we expound the Christian doctrine ; and it does us
good to see how eagerly the people attend. I can say with truth that as I
write, there are eight Catholics in this district to one heretic. With all our
labours and sufferings we have excellent health, thank Grod, and are not
wanting in the necessaries of life. At the end of this month Parliament will
meet and only God knows what will becorhe of us, but His holy will be
done'V^A Sometimes however as when word went abroad that a Protestant
had changed his religion and become Catholic, there was an outburst (h).

County of Tipperary to wit. At a General Assizes and General Gaol Delivery held
at Qonmel in and for the County of Tipperary the 16 day of March 1750.

We the Grand Jury at said Assizes in lawful manner Sworn and charged. Present
John Hally late of Killerke in the County of Tipperary, popish priest, who stands

(f) Civil Correspondence P.R.O.

(g) Spanish Original, Rev. Thomas Gorman to Rev. John Harrison, Clonmel, 13th August^ 1725—
Archives, Irish College, Salamanca.

(h) " If any persons shall seduce persuade or procure any person that shall profess the Protestant
religion to forsake the same, and to profess the popish religion, or reconcile them to thu church of
Rome, persons so seducing as also every Protestant who shall be so perverted and reconciled to
Popery shall for the said offences being thereof convicted incur the penalty oi premunire, 2 Ann,
c. 6, s. I.

142 History of Clonmel,

indicted as of record remaining in the Crown Office of said County, for that he
contemptuously and unlawfully did endeavour to seduce and pervert Charles Moore, a
professed Protestant of the Church of Ireland as by Law established, from his said
profession, and Excite and abett him, the said Charles Moore, to receive and embrace the
form and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome, for which he hath not yet received Tryal,
as b)^ the Clerk of the Crown certified to be a Torie, robber and rapparee of the popish
religion, out in Arms, and on his keeping and not ameanable to Law, and we pray
your Lordships he may be represented as such to their Excellencies the Lords Justices
and Council of this kingdom to be forthwith proclaimed.

Thomas Maude, Danl. Gahan, Jonathan Lovett, Stephen Moore, U. Barker, Hugh
Massey, Kingsmell Pennefather, John Roe, Math. Bunbury, Francis Sadleir, Thomas
Luther, Francis Despard, Richard Pennefather, Samuel Waller, Phanuell Cooke,
Minchin Carden, John Lapp Judkin, John Jephson, William Pennefather, Laurence
Clutterbuck, John Bayly, Tho. Damer, Nathaniel Taylor (i).

If the clergy were regarded as vermin and hunted as such, the penal code
attacked the Catholic laity with perhaps still greater ferocity. For at the
worst, the priest was only put in prison or transported, but the unhappy
layman was pauperized and degraded. He could not farm land, for his
interest in it could not go beyond thirty-one years fj), neither could he trade,
for his merchandize was taxed by tolls and guild dues from which his
Protestant neighbour was free (k). If he had money, he could not lend it on
mortgage or buy property, for then the first Protestant — scheming attorney
or other — who discovered the transaction, filed a bill in chancery and
claimed the whole (IJ. Had he children, he could not educate them at home,
for the popish schoolmaster was on the same footing as the popish priest (m),
nor abroad, under penalty of outlawry and forfeiture of his goods and
chattels fn) ; and if he died leaving them minors, the Court appointed
Protestant guardians who brought them up to hate his creed foj.

The few Catholic gentlemen who survived the Cromwellian and
Williamite confiscations were particularly obnoxious to the law. Socially
ostracized, they were denied even the solace of outdoor sport. They could
not hunt, for any Protestant who discovered them in possession of a horse
above the value of £5, tendered that sum, mounted the horse and rode
away fpj. They could not shoot, for they were disarmed themselves, and
neither Protestant servant nor Protestant neighbour could keep arms for them
under the severest penalties (g). A few, indeed, by special grace were
privileged. On 30th March, 1 705, Col. Thomas Butler of Kilcash, Thomas

(ij I doe hereby certify that the above Original Presentment was made by the Grand Jury of the
County of Tipperary at the Assizes and General Gaol Delivery held at Clonmel in and for the County
of Tipperary the 16 day of March 1750 which I certifyc the 22 day of April 1751 — John
Quinlan, D.C. — Presentments, Co. Tipperary, P.R.O.

(j) 2 Ann, Cap. 6, sect. 8.

(kj Municipal by-laws, e.g. Clonmel 1713, itifra.

(I) 8 Ann, cap. 3, sees. 28 and 31. Also Howard's Cases, p. 294, etc.

fmj 7 William III., cap. 4, sec. 9. 8 Ann, cap. 4. sec. 16.

(n) 7 William III., cap. 4, sec. i. fp) 7 Wm. III., cap. 5, sec. 9.

(0) 2 Ann, c, 6, s. 5. (qj 7 Wm. III., cap. 5, sec. 3.

History of Clonmel. 145

Dwyer of Bellacomnisk, John Kennedy of Polenonnan, Nicholas Purcell of
Loughmoe, and Thomas Travers of Burgess, were licensed to carry a gun, a
case of pistols and a sword. Eight years later James Hakett of Lisvea,
Michael Kearney of Clonbroganlin, Denis Meagher of Cloneen, Nicholas
Morris of Latteragh, and John Ryan of Inch were added to the list. But
some were too dangerous (to their bigoted neighbours perhaps) to be entrusted
with guns. Col. James Butler of Kilmoyler, Charles McCarthy of Rehill,
George Mathew of Thurles, and George Mathew of Thomastown, had
permission to wear a sword merely (r). Even with those privileged, the
licence was occasionally suspended. By proclamation of August 7th, 1714,
they were ordered to surrender their arms to the nearest Justice of Peace,
John White, High Sheriff of Tipperary, writes that he has distributed the
proclamations to the following Tipperary justices — James Harrison, Henry
Pritty, Thomas Drysdale, Charles Langley, Esqrs. ; John Hickey, Clk. ;
Mathew Bumbury, John Creaghton, William Waller, Richard Lewis, Edward
Imens, Oliver Grace, John Carleton, William Latham, John Marshall, Esqrs. ;
the Mayor of Clonmel and the Sovereign of Fethard (s). What must have
been the feelings of Colonel Thomas Butler of Kilcash, grand-nephew of the
great Duke of Ormond, as he handed over his sword, his pistols and his gun
to Richard Whitehand, the Protestant shoemaker Mayor of Clonmel, or of
George Mathew of Thomastown, who in desperation, took the sacrament in
the Established Church at Grolden to save his horses from a Protestant trader
who one day in William Street, Cashel, tendered the legal five pounds (t).
No wonder if some such as Lord Cahir and Sir Redmond Everard fled from
the scene and lived and died in voluntary exile abroad.

Though there was no public statute excluding the Catholics as such, from
the corporation, yet in practice from the Revolution onward they ceased to
have any civic rights. But they did not go do^n without a struggle.

Whereas dififerences have arisen between Francis Morony, Derby Fensy, John
Meagher, Nicholas Stritch, Nicholas Purcell and Michael Davum all inhabitants of the
town of Clonmel in the behalf of themselves and the rest of the Roman Catholicks of
the said Town on the one parte, the Mayor and bailiffs of the said Town in behalf of
themselves and the common Council of the other parte, concerning the assessing,
apploting and leavying severall sumes of money from the said Roman Catholicks in
and of the said Town under pretence or colour of incidents and charges for reliefe, and
whereas both parties under a Rule of the Court of Regalities of Tipperary submitted to the
arbitration of us the undersigned, Sir Theobald Butler and Nathaniel Lucas Counsellors
at Law, it appeared vnto us that the present dispute was concemeing a certain sum of
money to be raised upon the inhabitants of the said town of Clonmel in generall for
purchaseing from his grace the Duke of Ormond a lease for lives renewable for ever at the
rent of seaven pounds per annum and a yeares rent for a fine for each renewall of a peece
of ground on which the Barrackes have been built within the said Towne for quartereing

(r) Proclamations 1705-17 13, P.R.O.

(s) White to Dawson, Cappagh, loth April, 1715 — P.R.O. (t) Local tradition.

144 History of Clonmel.

souldiers for the time being in the said Town, for keeping the towne clocke and for the
paing for the judges lodging in the said town of Clonmell and the said rent and fines
for renewall, and the interest for the amount of the said purchase money which was
borrowed, and it appearing to us that the said Corporation had no ground of theyre
owne within the said town that they could give for building the said barrackes upon,
and that the building thereof keeping the said Clocke and providing lodgings for the
Judges as hath been vsually done whether for the safety, convenience and advantage of
all the inhabitants of the said town and that the said Roman Catholick inhabitants of
the said town did partake of the benefitt of it, yet it hath not appeared to us that there
was any legall authoritie to levey the same without consent, and all the said parties on
both sides being willing to have the said money raised, the same being for the generall
good of the said town so as the same might be equally indifferently applotted and
assessed upon all the inhabitants in proportion to each persons substance and abilitie.
Wee the said arbitrators by consent of all the said parties on both sides do therefore
order and award that the purchase money payed or to be payed for the said ground,
whereupon the said barrackes is built and the interest thereof till the same be payed
together with the said rent of seaven pounds per annum and fines for renewalls regard
being had to the expenses at law, be equally indifferently assessed upon all the
inhabitants of the said town for the purposes aforesaid, and Wee do further order and
award that no other money whatsoever under the notion of incidents, charges or
otherwise shall be levyed without the consent of the inhabitants of the said town but
what shall be grounded upon and warranted by lawe or by some Act or Acts of
Parliament and unto the intent to take away all grounds of complaint condeming
psirtiallitie or inequallitie in assessing or applotting the said present summes of money
as aforesaid, or concerning the assessment or applottment of any other sum hereafter
to be levyed by consent or otherwise as well upon the Protestants as upon the Roman
Catholick inhabitants of the said town, and for settleing a good correspondence between
them in that particular. Wee do further order and award that in as much as by
antient usage in the said town all such assessments and applottments have been made
by twelve men of the said town, that the same shall be hereafter made by twelve of the
most knowing, able and indifferent persons of the said town whereof six shall be of the
most knowing, able and indifferent of the Protestants and the other six of the most
knowing, able and indifferent of the Roman Catholicks or the major part or number of
them to be indifferently chosen by the mayor and bailiffs of the said town for the time
being, and that they do from time to time make all such applottments and assessments
equally and indifferently upon every one of the inhabitants of the said town
apportionatlie according to his substance and abilitie, and Wee do further order and
award by like consent that the persons hereafter named be the twelve persons for
assessing and applotting the said town for the purposes aforesaid, that is to say
(Protestants Capt. Thomas Batty, Hercules Beere, Phillip Carleton, Henry Cleare,
Phineas Ryell and John Moore gentlemen). (Roman Catholickes Francis Marony,
John Meagher, Richard Stritch, Nicholas Purcell, Thomas Pursell and Richard Daniell).
And we do further award that the said Corporation shall out of their Revenue pay the
scavenger for keeping clean the said town of Clonmel without putting the inhabitants
at any time hereafter to the charge thereof, shall spend the same to the best advantage
and that the yearly rent arising to them thereout shall be applied to the case of the
inhabitants of the said town in proportion to so much of such incidental charge as any
of them should otherwise bei obliged to pay according to the true intent hereof, all
which we make and publish as our award in the premisses under our hands and seales
the 24 day of September 1703.

Theobald Butler.

Nathaniel Lucas.

History of Clonmel. 145

It is declared that in all assessments or applottments to be made according to this
award, all the assessors hereinbefore named and all others hereafter to be named, shall
be duely summoned to attend at a certain time and place in order to make such assess-
ments and that the applottments shall be made according to the order of the major
parte of those that will appear to make the same (u).

This Magna Charta of the Catholics which secured that there should be
no taxation without representation, was the work of Sir Toby Butler the
ablest lawyer of his day. But like the celebrated Articles of Limerick, of
which he was also the draughtsman, the terms of it were never kept. The
corporation devised another system of taxing the Catholics, steady, silent
and absolutely effective, which was clothed with legal forms and could not
be directly impeached. This was to exclude them from the freedom and
thereby compel them as outsiders to pay tolls and quay dues on all goods
and merchandize they brought into the town. In 1713 a by-law for the
purpose was passed. This by-law is instructive on another account; it
shows that in persecuting ingenuity the Corporation of Clonmel could surpass
the Parliament itself. For it was only in 1733 (7 Geo. II., c. 6) and 1746
(19 Geo. IL, c. I, s. 4, 7) that parliament became cognizant of a "constructive
papist," i.e., a Protestant who had married a Catholic wife. Now "a Protestant
of this class was in the eye of the law a more odious Papist (to use the language
of the Court) than a real and actual Papist by profession and principle " (v)-

At a generall Assembly of the Town and Borough of Clonmell at the Tholsel
thereof before the Mayor, Bailiffs fifree Burgesses and Commons of the said Borough
the 5th Day of June 1713.

.... It is ordered that no Person or Persons hereafter shall be sworn free of
this Borough without taking the Oath of Abjuration and the other Oaths, and that no
Papist or person professing the Popish Religion, be admitted on any Pretence or Account
whatsoever free. We also present order and enact that no Protestant who shall inter-
marry with any Papist, or woman professing the Popish Religion, shall be admitted
free unless such woman conforms herself to the Church of Ireland as by Law established
within a year and a day after such Intermarriage.

What the tolls levied on the goods of the Catholic non-freemen at the
gates, the bridge and the quay, were in amount, we have no means of knowing
as no schedule of the period exists (w). They were denounced as an
intolerable burthen even at the dawn of municipal reform. At the Commission
of 1833 a Catholic trader stated that they meant to him a sum of 150
guineas (x). They certainly were not lighter during the penal times. But

(u) Chancery Rolls of the Palatine of Tipperary—P.R.O.

(v) Rives V, Roderick. Cases on the Laws against the Further Growth of Popery. Howard,
Dublin 1766.

(w) In 1763 " Quayage " on 10 barrels of coal was 6d., on 60 deals 8d. — Perry Papers.

(x) " I am a native of this town, and have carried on business a great number of years. I was
promised my freedom by Mountcashel and was handed over to Bagwell who gave me only fine
promises while he gave my neighbours Davy Malcomson, Tommy Hughes and Jemmy Douglas' their
freedom. They had corn stores near mine, but they had no tolls to pay while I was mulcted every
way out of 150 guineas." — Evidence of Daniel O'Brien. Report of Commission, Clonmel, 1833.

146 History of Glonmel.

however oppressive they were, it might be pleaded in extenuation that they
were in part devoted to public purposes. Such a claim could not be made
for two other taxes imposed upon Catholic traders. These were " Intrusion
Money" and "Quarterage."

From l68l down, the traders and artizans of the town were divided into
three guilds or corporations — the Merchants, the Cordwainers and the
Brewers. Each had a house or guild hall, elected its master (or mayor, as he
was sometimes called) and assembled regularly to discuss trade matters. By
the charter of incorporation no one who was not a member of these guilds
" could have, occupy, or in any wise retail, sell or buy any merchandizes,
mercimonies or wares of what kind or sort soever," or exercise any trade or
handicraft within the town or burgagery. Further, " none but reputable
persons and these being Protestants " were admitted as members, though
other Protestants could follow their trade without hindrance. In law,
therefore, no Catholic shopkeeper or artisan had a right to be in Clonmel ; if
he was there, he was a trespasser in a strictly Protestant preserve, and was
fined accordingly. When he entered the town or opened shop, he paid
"Intrusion Money," from five shillings to half a guinea and upwards,
according to his capacity ; if he remained he paid every quarter a tax called
" Quarterage," from 6d. to 3s. This state of things continued for nearly a
century, but at length the worm began to turn. The decision in the case
Mahony v. Streete, Mayor of Cork, in which damages were obtained against the
Mayor for imprisonment on account of quarterage, put heart into the Catholics.
In 1764 an agitation against the payment of the tax was begun in Clonmel,
and the corporation feeling insecure petitioned parliament, 25th January, 1766.

That Papists were admitted [into the guilds] on condition of good Behaviour and
on their paying a small sum quarterly according to their different circumstances for
the support of the necessary charges attending the said Companies ; which contributions
these Quarter Brothers did from time to time voluntarily agree to, and promise in
writing to pay, and have continued to perform for upwards of ninety years past, whereby
the Companies have been enabled during that period to relieve the necessities of
sundry of their reduced Brethren, bury their dead, relieve their sick, cloath and pay the
servants of their respective Companies, provide proper Ensigns and Regalias, support
the Dignity of the Fraternity and many other necessary purposes without which the
different Companies could not possibly subsist. That within these two or three years
last past, and particularly since these deluded insurgents called White Boys have
intruded themselves in this County, sundry of these Quarter Brothers countenanced
by those miscreants, under the specious pretence of Redressing Grievances have refused
to pay said Quarterage, alledging that such demand is not warranted by law, and being
thereupon distrained according to the antient Bye laws and common usage of said
Corporation, they have given every vexatious opposition that Art, Malice or Ingenuity
could devise to the great Disquiet of the Peace and Good Harmony of the said Town
and the Protestant Interest thereof. Wherefore etc. (yj.

(y) Parliamentary Records, P.R.O.

History of CXonmel. i47

The Catholic party sent a counter petition the following month.

The petition of the Merchants Traders Manufacturers and Artists [artisans]
Inhabitants of Clonmel

Humbly Sheweth. That your Petitioners, peaceful and loyal subjects, have been
repeatedly and most severely distressed of late in their persons and circumstances
because they endeavoured by legal means to decline the payment of arbitrary Fines
and of an annual tax called Quarterage, imposed upon and exacted from them as the
price of exercising their respective employments and arts, by the different guilds
established in the said town. That your Petitioners endeavoured to decline the payment
of these Fines and this tax, because they have been advised that the exaction of them
cannot be warranted by law and is moreover contrary to the spirit of the happy
Constitution of this Kingdom, besides that they apprehend it manifestly tends to the
discouragement of the Trade of the said Town and neighbourhood. That your
Petitioners in order to avoid, as much as in them lay, all vexatious suits and contentions
have frequently and earnestly applied to have this matter amicably referred to the
decision of Counsel learned in the law by whose judgeing your Petitioners were satisfied
to abide, but the guilds always rejected every application of this sort. That these Fines
and tax having been hitherto levied in a manner the most oppressive, and afterwards
squandered away for the most part as your Petitioners have good reason to think
in feasting and excess, no purpose of public or private advantage has been in reality
answered by them, on the contrary they have been made instrumental to encourage a
spirit of idleness and dissipation subversive of industry, and have fomented heats and
animosities prejudicial to the peace of the inhabitants of the said town. That your
Petitioners relying in the wisdom and justice of Parliament, feel the greatest satisfaction
in being informed by the votes of your House with regard to a Petition of the Mayor,
Bailiffs, Free Burgesses and Commonalty of the Borough of Clonmel, that your House
has been pleased to take cognizance of this matter, and your Petitioners cheerfully and
submissively wait for such determination upon the legality of these fines and the tax
called Quarterage, as the House shall think proper to make. And praying your House
to take the premisses into consideration, and to permit your Petitioners to support their
case by Counsel and grant them such relief as to your House shall seem meet.
(Signed) Patrick Kearney, Samuel White, Patrick Seealie, Thomas White, William
Browne, Michael Wall, Andrew Keany, Thomas Bohelly, James Kearney (z).

Some of the quarterage was spent in this way: —

" Clonmell July I. [1767.I This day being the Anniversary of the Battle of the
Boyne fought by King William of ever glorious and immortal memory, the morning was
ushered in with ringing of Bells, the Ensigns or Standards of the different Companies
of this Corporation were displayed from the Tholsel, and the Mayor, Bailiffis, Burgesses,
Freemen and Gentlemen of the different Corporations with Orange Cockades, proceeded
at Six o'clock in the Morning to perambulate the Liberties and Franchises according
to antient custom ; and the Evening concluded with Bonfires, Illuminations and other
publick Demonstrations of Joy " (aa).

For upwards of ten years the struggle against intrusion money and
quarterage was carried on, sometimes in Clonmel, sometimes in the House
of Commons (bb). Meanwhile a great change had come over parliament ;

(z) Endorsed. Presented by Mr. Robert FitzGerald, Veneris, 28 Feby., 1766.— Parliamentary
Records, P.R.O.

(aa) Public Register or Freeman's Journal, July 4th— 7th, 1767.

(bb) Among the Parliamentary Records there are two further petitions from the Corporation,
one in 1768, the other in 1774. At foot of the former are the signatures ' Thomas Shaw Master of
Merchants,' *Theophilus Henry Master of Cordwainers,* *John McCheane Maior of Brewers.' The
seal of the merchants is circular, argent, a bee within a border, wavy. Inscription, " The Merchants
Seal of Clonmel." The seal of the cordwainers is oval, argent, 3 hammers, 2 and i. Crest, an
esquire's helmet under a hammer. The brewers' seal is a mash of the two former, one being
impressed on the other.

148 History of Clonmel,

the American colonies were in revolt; the message "No taxation without
representation" had gone forth; the Irish administration therefore was
advised by Chatham to concede some measure of toleration, and the project
of legalizing quarterage was abandoned.

But tolls, quay-dues, intrusion money and quarterage, were not the only
form of oppression which the Catholic traders underwent. The Gavelling
Act and the Discovery Act have attracted much notice, but it may be
questioned whether any part of the penal code contributed so much to
impoverish and degrade the people at large as the sections of the Acts of
William and Anne which made education a felony. Throughout the greater
part of the eighteenth century no Catholic could teach school in Clonmel
under the penalty of transportation for the first offence, and high treason for
the second (cc). Towards the end a Catholic by application to the Protestant
bishop, having satisfied him he was a person of good morals and the like,
could obtain licence to teach from the Consistory Court (dd). We get glimpses
of the law in operation from such reports as that of James Castell, Mayor of
Clonmel in 173 1, to the Committee of the Irish House of Lords.

There is but one Private Popish Schoolmaster, as I can finde in the said Towne,
whose name is Cornelius Lynch, and goes from house to house to instruct Popish
children (ee).

At a later period when there was greater connivance, some three or four
"philomaths" were located in different parts of the town, but so utterly
destitute were the Catholics of any regular system of education, that a list of
seven schools in 1820 does not contain a single Catholic one (jf).

To such Catholics, however, as were willing to barter their religion, the
doors of knowledge were flung wide open. By indenture dated 7th May,
1685, Richard Moore of Clonmel, and Stephen Moore of Hoar Abbey conveyed
to Charles Alcock and Thomas Batty, their heirs and assigns, the lands of
Clonbough and Tulla mac James, 683ac. 2r. lip. for the purpose of erecting
and maintaining " a Free School for the education and teaching of all the
Protestant freemen's children of the town of Clonmel gratis." Power of
appointing and removing the master or masters was vested in James, Duke of
Ormond, Richard and Stephen Moore and their heirs, together with the

(cc) " Whatsoever person of the popish religion shall publickly teach school, or shall instruct
youth in learning in any private house, or shall be entertained to instruct youth as usher, under-
master, or assistant by any protestant schoolmaster, he shall be esteemed to be a popish regular
clergyman, and be prosecuted as such, and incur such penalties and forfeitures as any popish regular
convict is liable unto by the laws." — 8 Ann. c. 3, sec. 16.

(dd) Among the papers of a parish priest of Carrick, Dr. Connolly, still remembered there, was
found such licence granted to him by R. Hobson, Surrogate of Waterford.

(ee) Parliamentary Returns, P.R.O.

(ff) Piggott's Directory, Manchester, 1820.

History of Clonmel. 149

Mayor of Clonmel for the time being. The Free School was built close to
St. Mary's Church, and its primary intent being to benefit the children of the
free burgesses and commonalty of the town, it came to be known as the
Corporation School (gg). While the Free School held out temptations to the
better-class Catholics, there was another school which openly and professedly
proselytized the helpless and destitute poor. This was the Charter School.
In the first fervour of the movement to bring the blessings of the GosjJel
within reach of "the poor creatures, our fellow-subjects," as Boulter termed

(g^) In later times, as in earlier, the Free School earned an evil reputation for proselytism. The
Revv. Samuel O'SuIlivan, Mortimer O'SulIivan, William Phelan, William A. Butler — to name only a
few — changed their creed there, preliminary to obtaining scholarships in Trinity College, Dublin.

The history of the school as far as it can be gleaned may be set down here. The earliest head
master appears to have been Andrew Coulter ; his tomb which may still be seen in St. Mary's
Church, bears the following inscription : — HicJacet Corpus Andre^e Coulter, nuper schol. et Bach.
Clonmeliensis JQui obiit 20 Julii Anno Domino 1706. Et anno 63 Aetatis Suae. In 1733 John
Hayman, a native of Youghal, was master. That year Sir Thomas Prendergast and Guy Moore
were candidates for the borough in a parliamentary election when Hayman acted as the returning
officer. In the petition against Moore's return, it was proved that Hayman had spoken and
canvassed for Moore, that he had been tutor to Moore's children, and though not worth ;^5o, he had
oflFered that sum to be spent in Flahavan's public-house on condition of Flahavan's voting for Moore.
The next master to whom there is reference, was Rev. J. D. Harwood. In the Corporation Minute
Book, 29th May, 1755, is the memorandum: "It appears by affidavit of the Rev. John Dalton
Harwood schoolmaster of this town since the 25 of March last before the Mayor of this Corporation
that he layd out and expended on new buildings made in addition to the Schoole house the sum of
one hundred and twelve pounds and seven pence half penny stg. to the great advantage of the said
schoole. In consideration therefore in case he dyes or be removed from said schoole that he or his
Executors t)e allowed the three fourths of the above sum so expended in said building by the person
or persons that shall hereafter be made or inducted into said schoole, next after his Decease or
Remuvall and that a Deede may be made under the Common Seale of said Corporation to the said
Rev. John Dalton Harwood to the purpose to secure the payment thereof."

Harwood appears to have been followed by Rev. Richard Carey, under whom the school
obtained its greatest measure of success. In 18 16 on application from the Commissioners of
Education to the Lord Chancellor, the endowments and government of the school were vested in
the Commissioners, on the grounds of mismanagement. The old school (which occupied the site of
the present Protestant Parochial Schools) having become ruinous, the site, ir. 28p., was exchanged
(Feb. 28th, 1824) with William Bagwell for the present one which contains 3r. 28p. A sum of
^'4,600 was then raised on the endowments for the purpose of erecting new buildings, the last
instalment of which was repaid only in November, 1905. These were built to accommodate 118
pupils with apartments for 36 boarders. Rev. Robert Bell was at this period appointed head master
by William Bagwell, who as patron exercised all corporate rights. Bell was followed about 1850 by
Rev. Thomas Kettlcwell. The Endowed Schools' Commission in March, 1856, found 29 on the roll,
the education given satisfactory, but the general management deplorable ; the house did not contain a
solitary boarder. On the death of Kettlewell in 1874 the Rev. Mr. Hutchinson was appointed, and
the school was for some years fairly successful. Rev. Mervyn Kennedy succeeded August ist, 1882,
by the nomination of Stephen Earl of Mountcashell, and John Marquess of Ormonde. A commission
under the Educational Endowments' Act which sat in 1889 found that the school was ^"943 in debt,
and i8th March, 1890, a new scheme for its government was approved of by the Lord Lieutenant in
Council. By this scheme the interest of the corporation in the school was ignored, and a governing
body created of seventeen persons exclusively Protestant. Furthermore, as an instance of how a
strict trust may be stretched, the endowment which Richard Moore gave to the freemen of the town
being Protestants, was shared with those whom he would style in the language of the time " sectaries
and phanatiques," namely, Presbyterians, Methodists and Quakers. The head masters since have
been W. R. Hatte appointed 8th September, 1897, died loth April, 1901 ; R. H. Ashmore appointed
20th May, 1901, resigned August, 1903 ; J. H. McClelland appointed 2nd October, 1903.

Among the distinguished personages who received their early education at the Clonmel Free
School were John Marshall, Chief Justice, John Scott, Earl of Clonmel, Archdeacon Lee, S.F.T.C.D.,
Dr. Leahy, Archbishop of Cashel, W.C. Taylor, William Archer Butler, Richard Baron Pennefather,
Edward Pennefather, Chief Justice.

150 HISTORY OF CLONMEL.

them, bishops and country gentlemen, parliaments and lords lieutenant, vied
with one another in founding schools and granting endowments. On 23rd
April, 1747, Sir Charles Moore of Powerstown granted 39 acres a little to the
east of the town, at a rent of £ll a-year. Subscriptions were collected, and
a large school built at a cost of £900. A rent-charge of £75 on 711 acres, was
subsequently bequeathed by John Dawson. For a time there was some
success. In 1766 forty children of Catholic parents were instructed "in
English and arithmetic, in husbandry and housewifery, in the Scriptures and
the principles of the Protestant established religion," being provided with
diet and lodging. But the enthusiasm died out ; the undisguised souperism
of the scheme disgusted the more rational Protestants, and when Howard,
the philanthropist, visited the Clonmel Charter School, it was already in
extremis.

Clonmel School June I2th 1787, twenty nine boys.— House dirty :— Wanted beds
and bedding. — In the infirmary only two bedsteads and a little dirty straw and lumber.
Pantry empty :— children half starved and almost naked.— Usher no allowance : —the
master said, he paid one, as he was too old to teach. Allowance for soap and candles
only £5. On application to the local committee for allowance for necessaries the
answer was " the Society is too poor ; they cannot afford it." The last report in the
book was June 1st, 1785.

Howard's visit was not without effect.

May 5th 1788, 27 Boys. I found this school in much better order ; the bed rooms
were clean. — By hearing several of the boys read, I was convinced that proper attention
is now paid to that important part of their education. — The Society's clothes are so
very bad, that if the boys be not clothed again before Christmas they must be almost
naked (M).

The Charter School dragged on -its wretched existence until 1823 when
it was closed, the endowments amounting to £163 a year being transferred to
the Protestant Parochial School.

It has been said that the surest way to make a religious body flourish is
to persecute it (ii). This statement, however, has limitations which are
obvious to every student of history. When the Catholics of Clonmel emerged
from the penal times, they were reduced to utter impotence, social and
commercial. Old men, not long deceased, used recall a time when there was
not in the town a trader of that religion who could sell by wholesale a ton of
coal or a stone of sugar fjjj. And furthermore, the effects of the penal code
were by no means confined to the material ones. The spirit of the people
was completely broken, and as citizens they had lost all self respect. In

(hhj An Account of the Principal Lazarettos, etc., London, 179 1.
(ii) Sanguis martyrum, semen ecclesiae. — TertuUian.

(jj) The Directory of 1787, supra, may be consulted, but it is to be noted that several names,
apparently Catholic, were not so, e.g., Comins, Daniel, Keating, Murphy, White.

History of Clonmel. i5i

1790 the Earl of Westmoreland, lord lieutenant, visited the town ; the
Catholics headed by Dr. Egan, bishop of the diocese, presented an address —
their first articulate utterance since James 11. had entered Clonmel a century
before. It is to be remembered that this address was written two years after
the proclamation of the Rights of Man, and fifteen after the American
Declaration of Independence — written too at a time when they were denied
the elementary rights of freemen.

To his Excellency John Earl of Westmoreland Lord Lieutenant General and
General Governor of Ireland.

The Humble Address of the Roman Catholics of Clonmel.
May it please your Excellency,

The Roman Catholics of Clonmel at the same time that they share in the joy
universally diffused through all ranks of people here by your Excellency's presence,
cannot but consider themselves peculiarily happy in being admitted to avail themselves
of so precious an opportunity to express their unalterable allegiance to the Person and
Government of the best of Sovereigns and to express it at the feet of his Majesty's
immediate representative, his Excellency the Earl of Westmoreland — a representative
whom they feel most endeared to them as well from his Majesty's confidence in him, as
from his own distinguished public and private virtues and his beneficient applauded
administration.

Permit it to be added. May it please your Excellency, on their part that earnest
as far as can depend on them to promote your Excellency's well known generous
intentions for the prosperity and happiness of this nation, and coinciding with the
fellow subjects of their communion throughout the kingdom, in inviolable attachment
to his Majesty's Royal Person, Family and Government in a demeanour peaceful and
duly submissive to the laws, they have nothing more at heart than thus to contribute
by the mite of their best exertions, to render your Excellency's rule over this country,
smooth, successful and honorable whilst they hope by such conduct, springing in them
from principle, and cherished in them by inclination, to insure a continuance of that
protection which they gratefully acknowledge to have hitherto enjoyed under the
auspices of your Excellency.

May the visit with which your Excellency honours this town be as satisfactory to
yourself and to the Countess of Westmoreland as it is grateful to the Publick at large
and to the Roman Catholics of Clonmell in particular.

For and in the name of the Roman Catholics of Clonmell.

Wm. Egan.
Clonmell Oct. 20 1790.

While the penal code reduced the great mass of the people to serfdom,
its effects on the gentry who executed it were even worse ; it brutalized them.
Administering laws which made plunder a virtue ; set up as pashas who
might practice every abuse of power and heap on the people every indignity
without limit or question, it is no wonder if they often lost that self-
restraint, that forbearance, that poise and balance of mind which separates
the civilized man from the savage. " The habits of the Irish gentry," says
Goldwin Smith, "grew beyond measure brutal and reckless, and the
coarseness of their debaucheries would have disgusted the crew of Comus.
Their drunkenness, their blasphemy, their ferocious duelling, left the squires of
England far behind. If there was a grotesque side to their vices which

152 History of Clonmel.

mingles laughter with our reprobation, this did not render the influence less
pestilent to the community of which the malice of destiny had made them
the social chiefs. Fortunately their profligacy was sure in the end to work
its own cure ; and in the background of their swinish and uproarious drinking
bouts, the Encumbered Estates' Act rises to our view " (kk). And the gentry
of Tipperary were not better than their class. The great mansions and parks
which are scattered through the county, still witness to their extravagance if
they do not always to their taste. They played the role of " fine old Irish
gentlemen," and convinced the world that they were not avaricious by
squandering, and that they were not cowards by fighting (II). Their drinking
habits were best left to the charities of history. In the last generation stories
were told how in a drunken frenzy, one gambled away an estate by the
townland ; another having won a parliamentary election, celebrated the
victory in a bacchanalian orgie with his supporters, the member himself
dying of delirium tremens shortly after (mm). A third invited his mortgagee
to dine and blacked the face of his drunken guest, but the mortgagee had
his revenge by foreclosing the itiortgage and levelling the house (nft).
Another obtained a knighthood by wild buff'oonery at a saturnalia in honour
of the lord lieutenant, who visiting Tipperary did as Tipperary did (oo).
Even the punctilious William Perry excused his neglect of correspondence
on the ground he had been celebrating the " Old Glorious," while William
Bagwell in his leases inserted as consideration for renewal " six bottles of
right good f rench clarett " (pp).

In the great Irish characteristic of fighting, the Tipperary gentry earned
special distinction. " Tipperary and Galway," writes Sir Jonah Harrington,
" were the ablest schools of the duelling science. Galway was most scientific

(kk) Irish History and Irish Character, Oxford, 1862, p. 140 ; c.f., Madden's " Resolutions
Proper for the Gentlemen of Ireland," Dublin, 1744. Young's Tour passim, Historical MSB., 15
Rep., Pt. vii., pp. 312-332. " Ireland 90 Years Ago," Sir Jonah Harrington's Personal Sketches, etc., etc.

fllj " Backwardness will be attributed to the man who does not fight upon every trifling occasion
as avarice is objected to him who does not ruin himself by fashionable extravagance." Charlemont
Papers, Hist. MSB. 12, Rep. x., p. 108.

(mm) Related by the late John Bagwell, M.P., of a kinsman, one of the Bagwells of Kilmore.

(nn) This elegant episode was told by one of the Grubbs who was guest with Osborne, the
mortgagee, at Kilmore on the occasion.

foo) Sir Richard Jones, who long lived in a large house on the quay near the present brewery.
The honour, however, was recalled the following day, but it was too late, for Lady Jones had
already communicated with her friends.

fPp) " The agreeable company of your nephew. Will Newman and some other friends to drink
the Old Glorious prevented my acknowledging your letter."— W. G. Carleton, 13 Feb. 1760. "Six
bottles of right good french clarett and a rump of beef as a renewal fine on the fall of each life." —
Lease of Burgagery, Bagwell to Domville, i8th Oct., 1755. But it must not be supposed that the
Irish squirearchy sinned alone. The great Pitt and his pot companion, Viscount Melville, often
edified parliament ; a wag of the time wrote —

Can't see the Speaker Will, can you ?
Don't see the Speaker, Mel ? I see two.

The Irish drinking bout only was more bestial.

History of Clonmel, iss

at the sword. Tipperary most practical and prized at the pistol." This skill
in the use of arms came of a long course of breeding. At an earlier period
they proclaimed at assizes the old Irish landowners still haunting the country
to be " Tories and Rapparees," and forthwith shot them at discretion (qq).
When the enemy were shot or fled, they found excuses for pistoling one
another. The case of Stephen Moore who consistently " removed " the
opponents of his family interest, has been already referred to, but the
curious memorial of his career deserves fuller notice.

Here Lyes the Body
OF James Slatterie
The Second Son of
M"* John Slatterie
WHO was Ki[ll]ed

BY JOHN MANDEVILLE

The XIV Day of May
17io in the 24th
Year of His Age
And John Slatterie
Co[uncellor] At Law
A Mem[ber] of [Pa]rl[mt]

WHO WAS KIL[l]e[D]

By Stephen Moor
Y^ 13 OF N"* 1726

Mandeville and his second in the duel, James St. John, who were
Catholics, fearing legal penalties petitioned the Duke of Ormond and
received a pardon I2th September following (rr). Many indeed of these
fights were embittered by religious feeling. At the election for Tipperary

(qq) For example :— " We hear from the County of Tipperary that John Sergeant shot one
Dunlee a noted and proclaimed Tory as he was crossing the road."— D«6/f« Evening Post, May i8th,

1734-

(rr) Palatine Rolls, P.R.O. The tomb lies close to the ruined church of Kilgrant. It consists
of a horizontal slab some seven feet by four, resting on a base of masonry. An attempt to obliterate
the inscription is indicated by the portions of the words in brackets. Three other members of the
family are named in a part of the inscription carried round the edge.

154 History of Clonmel.

consequent on the death of George IL, the opposing conducting agents were
Thomas Prendergast of Ballylomasna, and Daniel Gahan of Coolquil. Feeling
ran high, and Gahan challenged Prendergast's right to act or even to vote at
all, on the grounds his wife was a papist, being one of the Keating family.
Both parties adjourned to the Green behind the courthouse ; Prendergast
was shot dead and Gahan escaped from the infuriated crowd only by
mounting a horse and riding boldly across the river. But in truth, the
Tipperary gentry were ready to fight in any cause or none ; everyone had,
at some time, to defend "his honour." Lord Llandaff, Hely-Hutchinson, Lord
Clonmel (to name only a few) were all "out." Even John Bagwell, brought
up by the Harpers in Cork, a strict Dissenter, had to qualify with a few
scalps at his belt for admission into the savage tribe. He was " out " three
times fssj.

Sir Jonah Barrington gives the code of honour in extenso, and with
unconscious satire, lawyer that he was, reports cases illustrative of its
working.

The practice of Duelling and Points of Honour settled at Clonmell Summer Assizes
1777 by the Gentlemen Delegates of Tipperary, Gal way, Mayo, Sligo and Roscommon
and prescribed for general adoption throughout Ireland.

RULES.

I. — The first offence requires the first apology though the retort may have been
more offensive than the insult. Example. A tells B he is impertinent, &c. B retorts
that he lies ; yet A must make the first apology, and then after one fire B may explain
away the retort by subsequent apology.

2. — But if the parties would rather fight on, then after two shots each, but in no
case before B may explain first and A apologise afterwards.

3. — If a doubt exists who gave the first offence, the decision rests with the seconds ;
if they can't agree the matter must proceed to two shots or to a hit if the challenger
require it.

4. — When the lie direct is the first oifence, the aggressor must either beg pardon,
exchange two shots previous to apology, or three shots followed by an explanation, or
fire on till a severe hit be received by one party or the other.

5. — As a blow is strictly prohibited amongst gentlemen, no verbal apology can be
received ; the alternatives therefore are the offender handing a cane to the injured
party to be used on his own back, at the same time begging pardon ; firing on until one
or both is disabled, or exchanging three shots and then asking pardon.

fss) The last notable Tipperary gentleman who seems to have engaged in an " affair of honour "
was Richard Butler, second and last Earl of Glengall. In the twenties, a publication flourished in
London called The Age. It gave special prominence to the scandals of the upper classes, and being
well informed and the names hardly disguised by hyphens, society was much fluttered. Lord
Glengall publicly charged Lord William Lennox with being the writer of some particularly venomous
paragraphs. In reply to a demand for an explanation, Glengall affirmed the truth of the accusation,
and a meeting was the result. The duel was fougl\t at Cowes Castle, August, 1826, Colonel Anson
being second to Glengall, and Lieutenant Gordon of the Blues to Lennox. According to the
Hampshire Telegraph •* an exchange of shots took place without doing any person injury ; the seconds
then declared that enough had been done by both parties, and the principals left the ground without
explanation." The Times report, however, states that after the shots Lord Lennox declared himself
satisfied.

History of Clonmel. iss

6.— If A gives B the lie and B retorts by a blow, being the two greatest oflFences
no reconciliation can take place till after two discharges each or a severe hit ; after which
B may ask A's pardon humbly for the blow and then A may explain simply for the lie.
N.B.--Challenges for undivulged causes may be reconciled on the ground after one shot.

7. — But no apology can be received in any case after the parties have actually taken
their ground without exchange of fires.

8. — In the above case no challenger is obliged to divulge his cause of challenge, if
private, unless required by the challenger to do so before the meeting.

9. — ^All imputations of cheating at play, races, &c., to be considered equivalent to
a blow, but may be reconciled after one shot on admitting their falsehood and begging
pardon publicly.

10. — Any insult to a lady under a gentleman's protection to be considered as by one
degree a greater offence than if given to the gentleman personally.

II.— Offences originating from the support of ladies* reputation to be considered as
less unjustifiable than any others of the same class.

12. — In simple unpremeditated recontres with the small sword the rule is first draw,
first sheathe ; unless blood be drawn then both sheathe and proceed to investigation.

13. — No dumb-shooting or firing in the air admissible in any case ; children's play
must be dishonourable on one side or the other and is accordingly prohibited.

14. — Seconds to be of equal rank in society with the principals they attend, inas-
much as a second may either choose or chance to become a principal and inequality
is indispensable.

15. — Challenges are never to be delivered at night unless the party to be challenged
intend leaving the place of offence before morning ; for it is desirable to avoid all hot-
headed proceedings.

16. — The challenged has the right to choose his own weapon, unless the challenger
gives his honour he is no swordsman, after which however he cannot decline any
second species of weapon proposed by the challenged.

17. — The challenged chooses his ground ; the challenger chooses his distance ; the
seconds fix the time and terms of firing.

18. — The seconds load in presence of each other unless they give their mutual
honours they have charged smooth and single, which should be held sufficient.

19. — Firing may be regulated — ^first by signal ; secondly by word of command ; or
thirdly at pleasure. In the latter case the parties may fire at their reasonable leisure
but second presents and rests are strictly prohibited.

20. — In all cases a miss fire is equivalent to a shot, and a snap or a non-cock is to
be considered as a miss-fire.

21. — ^Seconds are bound to attempt a reconciliation before the meeting takes place,
or after sufficient firing or hits as specified.

22. — Any wound sufficient to agitate the nerves and necessarily make the hand
shake, must end the business for that day.

23. — If the cause of meeting be such that no apology can or will be received, the
challenged takes his ground and calls on the challenger to proceed as he chooses ; in
such cases firing at pleasure is the usual practice.

24. — In slight cases the second hands his principal but one pistol, but in gross cases
two, holding another case ready-charged in reserve.

25. — When seconds disagree and resolve to exchange shots themselves, it must be
at the same time and at right angles with their principals, thus : —

156 History of Clonmel.

If with swords, side by side with five paces interval.

N.B. — All matters and doubts not herein mentioned will be explained and cleared
up by application to the committee who meet alternately at Clonmell and Gal way, at
the quarter sessions, for that purpose.

Crow Ryan, President,

^^^^^^.\ Secretaries (tt).
Amby Bodkin, J

This grotesquely scientific barbarism could in the end only work its own
destruction. Duelling became partly a profession, partly a pretence. But it
took some time before the public could see the comic side of such fights as —

Clonmel June I. Last Tuesday morning a duel was fought in a field near Springs
house between Alexander English of Springfield Esq. and Robert Bradshaw of Alleen
Esq. Each fired a case of pistols, and a ball from one of Mr. Bradshaw's shots grased
the right thigh of Mr. English without doing any injury, each gentleman behaving with
becoming valour. The second to Mr. English, James Thomill of Tipperary Esq. To
Mr. Bradshaw Edward Croker of BrufF in the county of Limerick (uu).

Perhaps the most noteworthy of the local duellists was " Counsellor "
Walsh. David Walsh was the representative of a family settled near
Clonmel, probably from the time of King John ; the townlands "Mooretown-
walsh," " Croanwalsh," and others record their territorial importance. His
great grandfather, John Walsh, at the Cromwellian period was Ormondes law
adviser, and therefore succeeded in recovering considerable part of the
estates. In 1780 " the Counsellor " was returned to parliament for Fethard
in the O'Callaghan-Ponsonby interest. At the bar Walsh's leadership was
acknowledged ; in parliament he seemed destined to achieve equal fame.
During the debate consequent on the Declaration of Irish Independence he
showed a sagacity and foresight which his leader, Grattan, unfortunately
lacked. A contemporary has sketched the episode : " Mr. David Walshe, an
able pertinacious lawyer, courageous and not conciliating, had a clear head,
a suspicious, perverse mind, and a temper that never would outstretch itself
to meet pacific objects. He debated well but was too intemperate to acquire
or maintain a general popularity. His speech on this memorable night
concluded with these remarkable expressions : —

" I repeat it that until England declares unequivocally by an Act of her
own Legislature, that she had no right in any instance to make laws to bind
Ireland, the usurped power of English legislation never can be considered by
us as relinquished. We want not the concessions of England to restore us
our liberties. If we are true to ourselves, we possess the fortitude, we possess
the will, and thank God we possess the power to assert our rights as men and
accomplish our independence as a nation " (vv),

fit) Personal Sketches and Recollections of His Own Times. — Glasgow Edition, pp. 261-5.

fuu) Freeman* s Journal, June, 1775.

(w) Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation, Barrington, p. 108.

History of Clonmel. is?

Walsh lived in an atmosphere of gunpowder, though several of his duels

were of the opera-bouflfe order : —

We hear from Clonmell that a dispute having arose last week between Captain
Byron of the army and Mr. Walsh of that town, they resolved on deciding it by a Duel
at an appointed Place in the country where they accordingly met and each Gentleman
discharged a Pistol. One was hit on the Instep which broke the buckle in his shoe, and
the other had a Ball passed through his skirt and coat pocket on which the Seconds
interfered afresh and happily prevented further ill consequences by reconciling the
parties (ww).

His encounter with the celebrated Curran was equally wonderful.

Curran, when a stripling unknown to fame provoked a quarrel in the Circuit Court
of Clonmel with Walsh, the mob favourite of the day, and they went out accompanied
by the whole court, except the judge and jury. They were taken to a field well enclosed
with hedges, and placed in opposite comers just as if they had been a pair of bulls
turned into a paddock. The whole population from the outside of the fence eagerly
watched and encouraged their mutual advances. They both fired and missed : "lame
and impotent conclusion," provocative of derisive cheers amid the echoes of which the
combatants re-entered the court to receive the ironical congratulations of their long-
robed brethren. The affair had occupied three quarters of an hour (xx).

After many a fight, the end of the old fire-eater came with a fearful and
pathetic fitness. Broken in fortune and character, he lived for many years in
the fine mansion at the corner of Mary and Peter streets.. One evening in
1802, the sole retainer who shared the house with him, returned, unable to
obtain the necessaries of life. A few minutes later Walsh's career closed.
The pistol with which he had paid the mistaken debt of honour to others,
rendered a like service to himself (yyj.

Towards the end of the centiu-y the gentry began to raise their eyes
above the level of the table or the saddle. The volunteer movement, and the
agitation for parliamentary independence, were inspiring ideals. For the
first time the Cromwellian landowners appear in Irish history with that dignity
which the passion for a cause confers. The earliest volunteer corps raised in
Tipperary was a company formed on May 1st, 1776, by Sir Cornelius Maude,
together with a troop of horse under Captain Benjamin Bunbury. Not until
three years later, June 4th, 1779, the " Clonmel Independents " were formed.

(ww) Freeman's Journal^ June 14, 1764.

(ax) BenUey's Magazine, June, 1853.

(yy/ Duelling was not altogether confined to the gentry, nor its pernicious influence limited by
social rank. The Catholic archbishop of Cashel, as well as the bishops of Waterford, had repeatedly
to warn the people against the practice. ** Spectators are severely punished by the church because
by their presence they countenance that horrid crime and thereby excite the passions of the unhappy
duellists and encourage them to murder each other. A person who is mortally wounded in a duel
even though he may repent and be absolved, is to be denied Christian burial. Moreover, the
following persons incur ex-communication, viz. :— He who sends a message verbal or written, for
fighting a duel ; the bearer of said message ; and the person who accepts or receives it, although
there should be no duel." — Statutes of Archbishop Bray, p. 104. It is probable, too, that the example
of their " betters " gave not a little encouragement to faction fighting.

158 History of Clonmel.

They consisted of two companies, one light battalibn, the uniform being

scarlet coat with black facings and white buttons, white vest and breeches.

The following was the staff:—

Colonel, Richard Moore.

Major, John Watson.

/William Lloyde.

I George Robbins.
Lieutenants, ^ John Jones.

[Terence McGrath.

^Hugh Meagher,
Adjutant, John Kelly.

Chaplain, Nicholas Milly O'Doyle.

Surgeon, Robert Constable.

Secretary, Thomas Morton.

Still more picturesque was the troop of horse formed 6th January, 1781,

known as the " Clogheen Union." The uniform was scarlet, faced light blue ;

edged silver lace, white buttons, silver epaulets, white jackets edged red.

The furniture was goat skin turned red ; the staff —

Colonel, Cornelius O'Callaghan.

Captain, Thomas Clutterbuck.

Lieutenant, James Butler.

Adjutant, Thomas Vowell.

Surgeon, John Foliot.

"""sSS^} Charles Tuckey.

The " Carrick Union " and " Caher Union " companies were almost
entirely Catholic. The former was enrolled September, 1779; the latter
January, 1781 ; their respective staffs being —

Carrick,

Colonel, George Earl Tyrone.

Major, William Alcock.

Captain, Edward M. Mandevil.

T ;o.,to«o«*e i Richard O'Donnell.

Lieutenants [ wiUiam Smyth.

Ensign, Richard Sauce.

Adjutant, William Smjrth.

Cahir,

Colonel, Hon. Pierce Butler.

Captain, William Hayes.

Lieutenants. {feiSh^H^J^,
Ensign, Pierce Butler (zz).

(sz) •' Munster Volunteer Registry, by Richard Kenna of Curraghmore Rangers, Light
Dragoons." The * Hon. Pierce Butler ' became in 1786 loth Baron Cahir, and the last of the
ancient line. Lieutenant Richard Nagle was his kinsman. Kate Nagle, sister of Richard, was the
theme of Lysaght's poem — " Lovely Kate of Garnavilla."

History of Clonmel. i69

The " first Munster Volunteer review was held in a field on the banks of
the river near Clonmel " on lOth July, 1782. The Hibernian Magazine of the
date contains a somewhat eccentric report of the proceedings.

The artillery and infantry assembled on the Grand Parade and marched thence to
the ground. Tipperary artillery Captain Clement Sadlier, 2 field pieces on the right,
Cashel ditto on the left. Infantry, Ormond Union 4 companies, Major William Barker.
Waterford First Royal Dragoons 3 companies. Ormond Independents 4 companies,
Colonel Daniel Toler. Cashel Volunteers 4 companies. Colonel Richard Pennefather.
Limerick Independents 4 companies, Lieutenant-Colonel John Prendergast. Iverk
Volunteers I company. Colonel Richard Cox. Fethard Volunteers 2 companies, Lieut.-
Colonel Mathew Jacob. Carrick Union I company. Colonel the Rt. Hon. Earl Tyrone,
K.S.P. Clonmel Independents 2 companies. Colonel Richard Moore. Callan Union I
company, Captain Richard Elliot. Tipperary Volunteers I company. Captain D. G.
Russell.

Twenty-one rounds of artillery on the flank greeted the General Henry Prittie on
his arrival at 12 o'clock. He was met by Lord Le Poer, Colonel of 3rd Ulster
Volunteers, etc., etc. The evolutions were performed to the entire satisfaction and
applause of the General and the most numerous and splendid concourse of people ever
seen in this part of the kingdom. The General, his aides-de-camp, the Earl of Tyrone,
Lord Le Poer with other gentlemen were sumptuously entertained at dinner by Colonel
Moore and the Clonmel Independents at the Court House.

With the spread of the military spirit, the sentiment of nationality which
had been dormant since the days of Swift awoke again ; the strangely
unfamiliar words "liberty" and "independence" began to be heard once
more in the mouths of country gentlemen and traders in towns. It is
instructive to note the growth of national opinion in Tipperary.

[1780.] A most respectable and numerous meeting of freeholders was held in
Clonmel on 30 March presided over by Lord Kingsborough, as the High Sheriff did not
attend. Sir Edward Newenham moved several spirited resolutions which were seconded
by John Bagwell of Belgrove, Counsellor FitzGerald, John Bagwell of Kilmore, Daniel
Toler, Mr. Frazer, and others. These gentlemen showed that unless parliament secured
the independence of the kingdom there was no security for the late commercial
advantages (a).

Two years later mere political logic gave way to open defiance of
England ; the artillery on the flank and the infantry in the centre, had not
thundered in vain : —

We the Grand Jury of the Coiinty of Tipperary at Spring Assizes 1782 assembled,
think the duty we owe to our country and ourselves, calls upon us thus to declare —

That the King, Lords and Commons of Ireland, are the only power competent to
make laws to bind this kingdom, and that every attempt by any other body of men to
exercise this right is unconstitutional and a grievance.

Francis Mathew, Sheriff.

But though the " other body of men " for the time being bowed to the
inevitable, yet British statesmen henceforth from Portland to Pitt, only sought
an opportunity to undermine the parliamentary fabric raised by Grattan.

(a) Hibeniian Magazine^ p. 229.

160 HISTORY OF CLONMEL.

Judicious doles from the pension fund, and an open traffic in peerages,
corrupted the members. The grudging concession of the limited franchise,
of the right to serve as jurors and purchase land, did not satisfy the Catholics
while it exasperated the extreme Protestants — the staunchest supporters,
perhaps, of parliamentary independence. Finally, the excesses of the French
revolution added to the alarm of the one, while they extinguished in the
other all hope of constitutional reform. To this train of combustibles the
spark was laid by the Presbyterians who formed the body known as the
United Irishmen. Frankly republican, they sympathised with the French
and opened negociations for a French invasion of Ireland (b). The British
Government, now in panic, let loose on the country hordes of soldiery and
merciless yeomanry to explode the disaffection before the French could
arrive. Picketing, flogging, half-hanging, pitch capping, went on through-
out a great part of Ireland. In Tipperary the agent provocateur selected by
Lord Camden, was Thomas Judkin Fitzgerald, High Sheriff of the county.

Fitzgerald who lived at Lisheen, near Cashel, belonged to the half savage,
petty gentry, denounced by Young and the writers of the time as the plague
of the country. His real name was Uniacke, but his father and grandfather
having made marriages of convenience, adopted the names Judkin and
Fitzgerald. A fitter instrument could not have been chosen. Week after
week Fitzgerald and his Hessian troop scoured the country. Peasants
suspected of being " croppies " were lodged in gaol. On market days a
number of them were brought forth, stripped half naked and tied to a car ;
they were then drawn from the Main Guard to the West Gate and back, two
soldiers one at either side flogging them alternately (c). Nor were his victims
confined to the humbler class. One of the best known traders in Carrick, a
man named Doyle, was flogged in the hope of extracting some information
about the croppies, but he had none to give. Similarly Jeremiah McGrath,
the innkeeper of Clogheen. At a sessions in Cashel under the Insurrection
Act, three tenants of Lord LandafF were tried by over a dozen yeomanry
magistrates and acquitted. A few days later Fitzgerald arriving there,
ordered Mr. Smithwick and Mr. Butler, of Ballycarron, to bring them back
under the penalty of being flogged themselves; the unhappy men were
brought back and flogged. The sheriff imprisoned Mr. Denis O'Meagher, of
Kilmoyler, with his father and uncle, and Mr. Smithwick, at that time a man
of eighty ; the Hon. Francis Hutchinson, however, procured their release.

(b) These parties are described under religious names as the most convenient classification.
Their raisott d'etre was not religion but other motives, political, social and racial.

(c) Thirty years since, a woman then in extreme old age who witnessed this, several Saturdays
from a window in the Main Street, gave the revolting particulars to the writer.

History of Clonmel. i61

Fitzgerald boasted in Clonmel one day that he would have a papist of large
fortune, a deputy governor of the county, either flogged or hanged. John
Lalor, of Cranagh, being the person pointed at, accompanied by Hutchinson
immediately proceeded to Clogheen where Fitzgerald was engaged in
flogging. The sheriff denied that the threat was intended for Lalor, but
Colonel John Bagwell, who was a close friend of Lalor's, at once set out for
Dublin. There he learned from Cooke, the Under Secretary, that Fitzgerald
had actually applied for a warrant to arrest Lalor (d). If, indeed, the conduct
of this miscreant had not been investigated by juries of his own class, we
should reject the evidence as simply incredible. The principal merchant in
Carrick-on-Suir at this period was Mathew Scott. His personal character
and his numerous acts of charity and benevolence to the poor of that town
were sworn to by Charles Wall of Coolnamuck, Richard Sause, the banker
of Carrick, Rev. James Smyth, Protestant rector. Captain Lorenzo H. Jephson
and others. In April, 1798, it was testified that he placed at the disposal of
Captain Jephson 1,000 barrels of oats to be sold to the poor at a low price,
and at the same time raised a large sum of money to carry on the ratteen
manufacture for the purpose of giving employment. But anyone who
sympathized with the poor and the down trodden in those days was a marked
man. On the 22nd June, 1798, the High Sheriff with a party of Hessian and
yeomen cavalry came to Carrick (e). Scott was put under arrest, being
charged by the sheriff with sending pikes to Ross concealed in oats. In vain
did the unhappy man protest that he had never sent a barrel of oats to Ross
with pikes or otherwise ; in vain did the gentry of the town and neighbour-
hood assure the sheriff of his loyalty and undertake to bail him in the sum
of £100,000. He was brought to Clonmel and lodged in gaol. Three days
later General St. John, commanding in the district, sent Hackett, the mayor
of Clonmel, to intimate to Scott that he should be released on finding bail.

(d) On the occasion of their visit to Clogheen Fitzgerald flogged McGrath supra. Hutchinson
described the episode : *' I was myself present when similar acts were committed by Mr. Fitzgerald .
In the town of Clogheen there was a man of some property and good character who kept an inn ;
and this man was brought out of his house by Mr. Fitzgerald, tied up to a ladder and whipped. When
he had received some lashes Mr. Fitzgerald asked him 'Who swore you ? ' The man answered
he never was sworn. After a few more stripes the question was repeated and received with a
similar answer. The remedy was resumed for the supposed obstinacy with this additional
suggestion, • If you do not confess I'll cut you to death.* The man unable to bear the torture any
longer then did name a person who, he said, had sworn him ; but the moment he was cut down he
said to Lord Cahir, * The man never swore me, but he [Fitzgerald] would cut me to death if I did
not accuse somebody, and to save my life I told the lie.' "—Proceedings in House of Commons on
petition of T. J. Fitzgerald, p. 38.

(c) On this occasion he arrested Timothy Lynch, a chandler and a yeoman of Captain Jephson's
corps, " for having the low forehead of a rebel," and imprisoned him in Clonmel. He struck with
his sword Laurence Keating walking in the street, and bade him *' as a damned rascal kneel down
and take off his hat to the High Sheriff," etc., etc. — all put in evidence.

M

162 History of Clonmel.

The latter declined, but appealed to the general for immediate trial by court
martial. The High Sheriff being summoned from Cashel, made the excuse
that two pf his witnesses had absconded, and Scott despairing of a trial
entered into bonds for £20,000, and was released after twelve days'
imprisonment.

At the Clonmel summer assizes, 1/99, in the case of Scott v, Fitzgerald
for £5,000 damages, the defence set up by the sheriff was that he had acted
on the information of one Stephen Devanny. On cross examination it came
out that the sheriff had taken Devanny with him from Clonmel gaol in order
to point out rebels in Carrick. Furthermore, Devanny was at the time
undergoing sentence for perjury ffj.

More remarkable still were the facts elicited in the case Wright v.
Fitzgerald at the Assizes, March 14th, 1799. This was an action for £l,000
damages brought by Mr. Bernard Wright, a teacher of French, against
Thomas Judkin Fitzgerald, late high sheriff.

" William Nicholson Esq. deposed that he knew both plaintiff and defendant. That
plaintiff hearing the high sheriff had expressed an intention of arresting him (plaintiff),
was accompanied by witness to the high sheriff. Witness told the latter Wright had
come to surrender himself, on which the high sheriff said to Wright * Fall on your
knees and receive your sentence for you are a rebel, and you have been a principal in
the rebellion ; you have to receive five hundred lashes and then to be shot.* Witness
endeavoured in vain to convince the high sheriff of Wright's innocence whom he had
known from his childhood and had always known to be a loyal man."

"Solomon Watson, a Quaker, affirmed that he had known defendant having
flogged some labourers on account of the kind of waistcoats they wore. He had known
defendant knock down an old man in the street for not taking off his hat to him. On
29 May, 1798, the high sheriff told witness he was going to whip a set of rebels. Saw
Wright brought to the ladder under a guard ; had his hands to his face, seemed to be
praying ; saw him on his knees at the ladder. Defendant pulled off Wright's hat,
stamped on it, dragged him by the hair, struck him with his sword and kicked him ;
blood flowed ; and then dragged him to the ladder ; selected some strong men and cried
* Tie up citizen Wright.' Wright begged to have a clergyman but his request was
refused ; then the flogging began. Defendant ordered first fifty lashes. He pulled a
paper written in French out of his pocket, gave it to Major Riall as furnishing his
reasons for flogging Wright (g). Major Riall read the paper and returned it.
Defendant then ordered fifty lashes more, after which he asked how many lashes
Wright had received, being answered he said *Cut the waistband of the rascal's
breeches, and give him fifty there.' The lashes were inflicted severely ; defendant then
asked for a rope ; was angry there was no rope ; desired a rope to be got ready, while
he went to the general for an order to hang him. Defendant went down the street
towards the general's lodgings. When he returned he ordered Wright back to jail,
saying he would flog him again the next day.

(f) Mathew Scott Merchant Pltff ., Thomas Judkin Fitzgerald Defend. Clonmel Assizes, i Aug.,

1799.

(g) In the debate in the Commons on this case Hon. Mr. Yelverton read the letter of which the
translation ran : " Sir, I am extremely sorry I cannot wait on you at the hour appointed being
unavoidably obliged to attend Sir Laurence Parsons. Yours, Baron Clues. To B. Wright, Esq."

History of Clonmel. i63

" Major Riall being examined, deposed that the high sheriff produced two papers,
one of which being in French he (the high sheriff) did not understand, but gave it to him
to read as containing matter that furnished ground for the flogging. Witness read the
paper, and returned it saying it was no wise treasonable ; that it was from a French
gentleman, the Baron de Clues, making an excuse for not keeping an appointment,
being obliged to wait on Sir Laurence Parsons. Wright however was flogged after
witness had explained the nature of the letter to the high sherifif. Next day witness
accompanied the high sheriff to see Wright in gaol. Saw him kneeling on his bed,
while they were speaking to him, being unable to lie down with soreness. Witness
further deposed that he knew of three innocent persons flogged one of whom was
Wright.

" The Rev. T. Prior, Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, deposed that he had known
Bernard Wright from his earliest youth, and that he had always conducted himself as
an orderly, loyal, and moral man.

" The high sheriff in an animated speech of two hours defended the practice of
flogging as a means of discovering treasonable secrets ; that he had flogged a man
nam^ Nipper, alias Dwyer, who confessed that Wright was a secretary of the United
Irishmen, and this information he could not get before the flogging."

The jury found a verdict for Wright with £500 damages. On 6th April
following, Fitzgerald petitioned the House of Commons " to be indemnified
for certain acts done by him in the suppression of the late rebellion." The
government mustered their followers, and carried through an Act of Indemnity
in accordance with the prayer of the petitioner. But the judges, to their
honour, refused an application in the Exchequer to set aside the Clonmel
verdict. Fitzgerald, however, was at no loss ; he had done the government
business efficiently. In the House of Commons " Mr. Secretary Cooke bore
testimony to the national services performed by the petitioner," and on August
5th, 1801, the King was graciously pleased to confer the dignity of Baronet
on Thomas Judkin Fitzgerald, Esq., of Lisheen (h).

Throughout it must be borne in mind that there was not at any time the
least attempt at insurrection in Tipperary. When the Wexford conflagration
was at its height. Dr. Bray, the Catholic archbishop of Cashel, wrote to Dr.
Moylan of Cork — " I am happy to understand the County Cork is so tranquil.
This county is perfectly so " (i).

(h) Report of Trial, Wright v. Fitzgerald, Clonmel Assizes. Proceedings on petition of Thomas
J. Fitzgerald to the House of Commons. T. Clarke Luby, who from his family and local connexion
must have had excellent opportunities of knowing the Fitzgeralds, has given an extraordinary account
of the end of the family. " It is almost unnecessary to add that the memory of this wretch is
embalmed in the traditional hatred of the people in Tipperary ; so much so that a few years ago
when his grandson, under the pressure of some private misfortunes, committed suicide by tying a
heavy stone round his neck and drowning himself, the rage of the peasantry would hardly suSer
his remains to receive human not to say Christian burial. It was with the utmost difficulty that the
unfortunate man's body Anally found a grave. It appears Sir Thomas's son also met with a violent
death, and his great grandson hanged himself by accident, showing how his great grandfather used
to hang the " croppies."— Life of O'Connell, p. 148.

(i) Bray to Moylan, 7th July, 1798, Renehan Papers, p. 374. In the light of all this, the " 98
Memorial " set up in front of the Town Hall, looks as grotesque from an historic as it is from an
esthetic stand-point.

164 History of Clonmel.

The country was now prostrate, held down by a force of 140,000 men.
One section of the Protestant national party had joined the insurgents ; the
other section had united with government in crushing them. The opportune
time, therefore, had arrived for the English minister to carry out his design
of a legislative union. In June, 1799, Lord Castlereagh made urgent appeals
to Dr. Bray to procure discreetly. Catholic signatures in favour of the Union
in Tipperary and Waterford. But the archbishop was not so easily caught ;
he assured his lordship that he, as a Catholic bishop, had little influence.
The Union might prove to be a useful measure, but bishops injure their own
character and the cause of religion by interfering against the wishes of the
people (j), Cornwallis, the viceroy, came at the same time to Marlfield to
visit the Bagwells, three of whom were members of parliament. He made
John Bagwell, the father, some offers but the bargain was not struck, for
Bagwell held out for higher terms (k). However, after much effort, some
opinion in favour of the Union was manufactured. Lord Clare, through his
notorious niece the baroness of Cahir, obtained a petition from that town for
the Union. Hely-Hutchinson gave his support and influence on the promise
of the Earldom of Donoughmore (I). Agar, Protestant archbishop of Cashel,
secured his son-in-law, Hawarden, in consideration of further promotion,
ecclesiastical and civil (m). But the overwhelming majority, Protestant and
Catholic, were opposed to the measure. Tipperary County sent a strong
petition, among the signatures being Lords Lismore, Clonbrock, Mountcashel
and Maxwell, Sir Thomas Osborne, Hon. John Hussey, C. B. Ponsonby,
William Bagwell, W. H. Armstrong. John Bagwell wrote to Cornwallis that
" the principal part of the freeholders of the county of Tipperary have
signed resolutions against the Union." Public opinion, therefore, had to be
suppressed. What took place in Clonmel is instructive and characteristic.

CLONMEL.

Feb. 2, 1799.
A considerable number of the principal inhabitants of this town, deeming it proper
to meet and express their sentiments on the important subject of a Legislative Union
between this country and Great Britain, signed a requisition to the Mayor for that
purpose which was complied with, and Thursday, January 31st, was appointed by the
Mayor for the meeting and published in the Clonmel Journal, but on the:day preceding,
a notice was inserted that no meeting could take place — in consequence of which the
Mayor was waited on by several gentlemen to assign his reason for such a notice, when
he informed them that the general officer commanding the district, came to him and
desired that no such meeting should take place, and that if it was attempted he would
disperse it with a military force. [Italics in original.]

(j) Renehan Papers, p. 375.
(k) Cornwallis Correspondence.
(I) Created 29th December, 1800.

(m) Agar was created Viscount Somerton 21st December, 1800. Archbishop of Dublin, 7th
December, 1801.

History of Clonmel. i65

We therefore the undersigned inhabitants of the town, feeling it inconsistent with
the duty we owe our country and ourselves, to remain silent at this momentous crisis,
do by individual signature to the resolutions declare them to be our sentiments.

That though the project of a Legislative Union of this country with Great Britain
has for the present been defeated by the wisdom and independence of that Parliament,
which such a measure was intended to abolish, we consider it our duty equally with
that of the kingdom at large thus publicly to declare our sentiments, as we have reason
to apprehend such an attempt may in a future desperate moment be revived.

That this kingdom has rapidly advanced in prosperity since the establishment of
an Independent Legislature in the year 1782 — and that the town of Clonmel has shared
largely in the general improvement.

That the advantages promised by the advocates of this measure are dubious and
speculative, and that even were they ascertained and positive, we would not consent to
purchase them by a surrender of our liberties and constitution.

Signed by 109 of the principal inhabitants among whom were the following gentle-
men constituting the Bankers of the town — William Riall, Charles Riall, P. Riall («).

But patriotic appeals to the national well-being had little effect on a
Parliament whose only interest in the country was of the kind the shark takes
in his prey. One of the members for Clonmel, Stephen Moore of Sapperton,
of the numerous Mountcashel progeny, had his eye on a postmastership, a
lucrative office at the time. The other member, Thomas Newenham, a strong
anti-unionist, conveniently retired for a barrister, John Dennis, who was more
open to the persuasive gifts of Under Secretary Cooke. Lord Mathew, the
senior county member, sprung from a family sympathizing with the common
people and secretly sharing their religion, consistently opposed the union.
The attitude of the Bagwells is curiously illuminative. John Bagwell was
junior member for the county ; his two sons, John and William, were members
for the boroughs of Cashel and Rathcormack respectively. All three were at
first opposed to the union. After the visit of Cornwall is to Marlfield, the
viceroy was able to assure the Duke of Portland that Bagwell would give
" unqualified support to the union," and he adds significantly " the objects he
solicited were promised." But in the slippery diplomacy of the time, Bagwell
soon learned the difference between performance and promise, and so in the
final division, 6th February, 1800, the three Bagwells once more voted against
the union. In the "Original Black List" of Sir Jonah Barrington, the
episode is thus set down : —

Names, Observations,

John Bagwell, sen. ... ... Changed twice; got half the patronage of

Tipperary ; his son a Dean, etc., etc.

John Bagwell, jun. ... ... Changed twice ; got the Tipperary Regiment,

etc.

William Bagwell ... ... His brother; changed sides twice ; concluded

as a Unionist (0).

(n) Rights of the Imperial Crown of Ireland, George Barnes, Dublin, 1803, p. no. "The
military commander who prevented the meeting is Sir Charles Asqill, Bart., condemned to be
hung in America and whose life was saved by the intercession of the late Queen of France."

(0) Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation, Appendix. This was the price of the qualified support.

166 History of Clonmel.

Thus in a morass of corruption disappeared Grattan*s Parliament, the
solitary attempt made by the Cromwell ian squires in 250 years of power to
fulfil their responsibilities.

At this point the topographical changes in the town during the previous
century and a half may be conveniently noted. From the Cromwellian
settlement in 1654 onward, the population steadily, if slowly, increased ; the
thousand or so enumerated in the census of 1660, had multiplied five fold
in 1766. That year owing to an outbreak of persecuting spirit. Parliament
ordered a return to be made of the number and proportion of Protestants and
Catholics. The vicar of St. Mary's reported : —

A Relation of the number of families in the parish of Clonmel in the Diocese of
Lismore and separate counties of Tipperary and Waterford by Rev. Joseph Moore,
Vicar thereof.

Number of Protestant Families 320
Number of Popish Families 1 1 26
2 Reputed Popish Priests.
2 Reputed Fryars (p).

Taking a family average of five, and allowing for the country portions
of the parish, the town population would be about 5,000. With the growth of
population, wealth increased in fair proportion, and the town wore a tolerably
decent aspect. Travellers who had passed through the congeries of hovels
that most Irish towns then were, had nothing but praise for Clonmel.
Clarendon, Lord Lieutenant, describes it in 1686 as " a very pretty town ; " a
French authority in 1744 as " a fairly strong town, and passably good-
looking and prosperous" (gj. Smith, the historian of Waterford, was equally
impressed though his language is somewhat equivocal. " The town has a
handsome appearance from this side of the water." More enthusiastic by
nature than the philosophic Smith was John Wesley, who came to preach in
May, 1756. "The pleasantest town beyond all comparison, which I have yet
seen in Ireland." Luckome, a tourist who visited Clonmel just before its
expansion under the milling industry, gives interesting details. " It consists
of four cross streets, formerly fortified with a square wall. The streets lead
to each of the gates. The portcullises of some of the gates are remaining
though useless. There is a very spacious bridge over the Suire, just out of
the gate to the right, of twenty arches. The market house, the only uniform
building I saw in the whole town, is indeed very neatly built mostly of
marble in the best taste, but lessens the passage of the Main Street." De
Burgo in 1762 is lavish of praise : " A beautiful and opulent town, a well-
known emporium of trade, whose two fairs on 5 May and 5 November are
very largely attended."

(PJ Parliamentary Returns, F.R.O. (qj Grand Dictionnaire, Moreri.

History of Clonmel. i67

Perhaps not a little of the prosperous air which the town assumed w^s
due to the fact that many of the local gentry resided within the walls.
Among the Clonmel wills are those of Moores, Alcocks, Beeres, Hamertons,
Dennisons, Meades, Salmons, and, at a later period, Biggs, Bagwells,
Gordons, Kellets, Markhams, Luthers, Walshes.

The changes which the street nomenclature underwent, are indicative of
the politico-religious ascendancy of the period. '* Our Ladie Street " became
"Church Lane." "Lough Street," for some years after the Cromwellian
assault called " Breech Street," and subsequently from the gaol erected there
"Jail Street," was named in 1798 "Johnson Street," in compliment to Sir
Henry Johnson, Colonel of the 5th Foot, who defeated the insurgents at
Ross (r). In the same year the the ancient " Boat Street " was designated
" Duncan Street," to commemorate the victory over the Dutch fleet of Admiral
Duncan, Lord Camperdown. Previously another British admiral, Edward
Hawke, had given his name to the old " Sheelane Street," and after Trafalgar
it was only fitting that the name of Nelson should find a habitat ; the
thoroughfare by the barrack and the new courthouse became therefore
"Nelson Street." And not only was there cultus paid to the admirals and
generals, but the lords lieutenant of the day were duly enshrined. " New
Jail Street " was styled " Richmond Street " on the visit of the duke of that
name to the town in 1808. Similarly "Banfield's Buildings," reminiscent of
honourable and successful industry, became " Anglesey Street"

Luckome greatly admired the " uniformity " of the market house, " being
neatly built, mostly of marble in the best taste." The reader will with
difficulty recognize the old Main Guard building under this literary raiment.
But though the marble existed only in the writer's fancy, the fabric itself was
not unpicturesque. The ground storey in which the present shops are
constructed, was once an open arcade. Five semi-circular arches supported
by massive cylindrical columns formed the west front, and two of a similar
character, the north. When the sun was high, and the arcade afforded strong
contrasts of light and shadow with groups of lazzaroni lying about, faint
memories of Venice were doubtless recalled to the classical tourist. Nor was
the building altogether wanting in historic associations. In 1662 the Ormonds
after the lapse of two generations were again lords of the Palatinate. To
house therefore the local Chancery, Common Pleas and courts of criminal
jurisdiction with becoming dignity, no less a person than Sir Christopher

(r) Johnson was a brave man, but an incapable general. Cornwallis did not share in the
enthusiasm for him of the Clonmel loyalists. His estimate of Johnson is summed up in the one
word "blockhead."

History of Clonmel. i69

roof-line, the two-storied houses with dormer windows in the attic, the
occasional gable projecting on the street, the neglected footways, the open
sewers, were all seen even by the grandfathers of men still living. Perhaps
the most distinctive feature were the shop signs. These were fixed
over the doors flush with the wall, or more commonly, were suspended
from a projecting crane. Like everything else at the period, they were
characteristically English— "The Sun" of the House of York, "The Swan "
of that of Lancaster, "The Royal Oak " of Charles H., "The Spread Eagle"
of the Crusaders, " Shakespeare's Head " where Thomas Gordon sold State
Lottery tickets. Then there were "The Plough," "The Bear," "The Yellow
Bottle," "The Letters," "The Wheat Sheaf," "The Anchor," "The Bell,"
and one or two with Irish names as "The Shamrock" and "The Rock of
Cashel."

About 1750 the principal inns appear to have been the " Spread Eagle "
at the end of the cul de sac adjoining the West Gate, subsequently known as
Grubb's Court, and the " Bear " in Braham's Lane, off the High Street. Later
on we find "the Great Globe and the Little Globe, nearly joining on the left
hand side of Dublin Street as you come from the metropolis, and the Ormond
Inn in Johnson's Street, all very respectable Houses." And clubs were not
quite unknown. " The Commercial Buildings or Coffee House stands in the
Main Street near the old Court House. It is a new, large and well-built
edifice, but no way remarkable. It is supported by an annual subscription of
two guineas from each member; military Gentlemen and Strangers are
admitted gratis " (s).

The post office appears to have made several peregrinations through the
town according to the domicile of the master appointed at each vacancy. In
1787 it was carried on by Thomas Shaw in Main Street, "woolen draper,
timber merchant and post master office " (sic). As a by-occupation the post
naturally was often neglected. In December, 1759, for example, William
Perry asks Carleton, the Cork banker, to acknowledge remittances, " as our
post office in Clonmell has at times been negligent I should be glad to hear
of their being got to hand." Sometimes, however, the non-arrival of the
mails was due to another cause — the Knights of the Road intercepted them (t).
But the postal service on its side had complaints to make. The privilege of
franking which belonged to members of the legislature was largely availed
of by the general public, and nowhere more than in Clonmel. An Inspector

fs) Mason Survey, P.R.O.

(t) For example— 1742. Proclamation for apprehending and convicting the Persons aincerned
in robbing the Post Boy and Post Mail in the Road from Cashel to Clonmel.

170 History of Clonmel.

of Franks who visited the town in 1773 found that out of 1,035 franked letters
only 509 were genuine, and there was no remedy ; Lees, the secretary, could
not prevail on the grand jury to find a bill.

A public building which, at the period, attracted more notice than the
post office was the County Gaol. This stood in Lough Street, directly opposite
to the present SS. Peter and Paul's church. It was erected towards the close
of the seventeenth century, and was, according to Sir Richard Cox, the
strongest prison in Ireland at the time (u). This character, however, it failed
to maintain, for the newspapers regularly contain notices of the escape of
prisoners.

[1767] Clonmel, July 15. — About one o'clock yesterday morning six men and a
woman made their escape from our Jail by knocking down the woman, her son and
servant maid who kept the Jail and forcing from them the key of the Hatch Door, and
had it not been for the vigilance of Capt. Moore, our worthy chief magistrate, all the
Felons who were confined in other apartments would likewise have effected their
escape (v).

So frequent, indeed, were the escapes, that in 1772 the high sheriff,
Chidley Moore, applied to the Dublin authorities for a military guard. Even
then the gaol was sometimes broken. In 1776 Hayes who was awaiting trial
for the murder of Ambrose Power of Barretstown, escaped. For this, Slattery
and Cole, the gaolers, were tried the following assizes and imprisoned. Yet
on July 5th the next year eight more prisoners were at large. The description
of the gaol given by Howard, the philanthropist, reveals perhaps a more
extraordinary state of things.

Clonmell Gaol [1787.] The six dungeons very dirty. A large dunghill in the
yard. A military guard as in most of the prisons in Ireland, consisting of twelve
men under the command of a sergeant and corporal. Some of them were playing at
tennis in the prison yard. Such diversions as occasion riot and confusion should in
these places be strictly prohibited. Several prisoners died here [of typhus] a little
before the April assize 1787. At my last visit I found that men and women debtors were
confined in the same room. Though the dungeons were crowded yet at night some of
the wives and children of the felons continued with them. Few of the men were in
irons and the savage custom of putting irons on women is practised only in England.
A new gaol for this county is now building.

1787 June 12. Debtors lO. Felons, etc. 51.

1788 May 5. Debtors 19. Felons, etc. 62 (w).

The new gaol was built on the site of the present constabulary barrack
in Richmond Street. A description of it while it was yet new has come
down to us.

in) Smith MSS., K.I.A.

(v) The Public Register.

fw) An account of the Principal Lazarettos, etc. London, 1791.

History of Clonmel. i71

It is in form of a Greek 1 1 with a large yard in the centre and is surrounded
with a very high wall. Notwithstanding the strength of this prison many have effected
their escape out of it within these twelve years. Until of late the cells were most
uncomfortable situations, especially in winter, the windows having no other barrier
against the inclemency of the weather than whatever little wisp of straw the prisoners
could stuff between the bars. The Rev. Mr. Stephenson and Robert Grubb Esq. (to whom
the unfortunate people confined from time to time in the gaol are much indebted) took
' particular care to have these windows glazed with the addition of wooden shutters (x).

No executions took place within the gaol ; the culprits were drawn on a
car to Gibbet Hill, or Gallows Hill, as it is now called. Occasionally, as in the
case of Father Sheehy, they were hanged in the street in front of the gaol fyj.
The bodies were usually handed over to the relatives, and instances are on
record in which persons executed were restored to life. Edmund Grady was
tried for rape at the spring assizes, 1776, and hanged on the 27th April. He
was duly carried away for interment, but the spinal column not having been
broken he revived during the wake. After sometime he was recaptured and
brought up again for sentence at the next spring assizes, with the result :

Clonmel May 5 [1777.] Edmund Grady who was hanged last year and came to
life again was on Saturday executed in the street facing the jail door. The sheriff gave
previous directions to the hangman not to attempt cutting Grady down until such time
as he gave orders, and accordingly he hung over an hour and five minutes (0).

Besides the gallows and the gaol there was, for venial offences, the
pillory. This was erected outside the east gate, and doubtless was regularly
furnished with its quota of victims, male and female. The corporation
appears to have been responsible for its maintenance.

Vill, de Clonmel, ff. At a Council held 6 December, 1695, before John Moore,
Mayor.

Ordered. That the Stocks in the Suburbs be viewed and repaired by the
Bailiffs

At a Meeting of the Corporation, 24 June, 1755.

Ordered. That the new stocks made for the use of the Corporation be payd for by
the Chamberlain.

From the earliest period the markets were held at the " Town Cross."
But the inconvenience of exposing for sale in the public street, flesh meat and
fish, was long felt. In the seventeenth century shambles were constructed

fx) Mason Survey, P.R.O.

(y) The last execution on Gallows Hill, of which I have seen a notice, was 29th August, 1785.

(z) Hiberttian Magazine, May, 1777. The report of these assizes is instructive. " Christopher
Loughlin for stealing a pair of candlesticks out of the dwellinghouse of Joseph Grubb of Clonmel, to
be executed on Saturday, the third of May next. Patrick Kielly for rescuing a deserter at Cashel to
be whipt at Cashel, on Saturday, the 19th of April next and the Wednesday following, being the two
market days. John Listoon the elder, being a papist, for concealing fire arms, fined £$0 and to be
confined twelve months," etc., etc.

172 History of Clonmel.

in the lane off the High Street, afterwards known as the Blue Anchor.

Subsequently they fell into disuse, and from 1650 onward Shambles' Lane

was only a name. In 1746 John Power, a former town clerk, leased a piece

of ground to the rere of the Tholsel from Samuel Perry at a rent of £5 a year.

On this new shambles were erected, and the obliging corporation passed a

law prohibiting, under severe penalties, the sale of meat elsewhere than in '

the shambles. A public service was thus rendered, and Power was enabled

to lay the foundations of a county family — the Powers of Kilfane (aa). By

the end of the eighteenth century, these shambles began to get out of repair

and new ones were built in the lane to the north of Hawke Street. " Within

a few years a very fine and extensive shambles was erected by John

Bagwell, Esq., from whom it is rented by the Butchers ; the old shambles

was, indeed, a scandalous one " (hb). About 1790, when the old Jail in Lough

Street was pulled down, the site was converted into a potato and vegetable

market. This continued for some thirty years until the market in New Street

was opened.

The markets were subject to the control of an important functionary

called the borough weighmaster. By the Act 4 Ann, c. 14, the mayor

appointed a weighmaster who was sworn " justly and indifferently to weigh

all goods brought unto him between buyer and seller " at a charge of one

halfpenny " a draught " under one cwt., and one penny over. The mayor

was also to provide a standard balance and weights. The Clonmel Dear

Hundred Jury in 1710 prescribed —

That the sworn way master of Clonmell, may see all goods waid, directed to be
waid by him, and pass his own note under his own hand, and no other note may pass
but his, or appoynt some protestant to officiate the same, pursuant to the late Act of
Parliament.

Besides securing justice to the public in the weight of goods, the quality

of certain articles was guaranteed by law. The charter of James I. enacted

that—

Ye said Mayor of ye said town of Clonmel for ye time being and his successors for
ever successevely be ye Clerk and Master of ye Say within ye town and Borough
aforesaid and ye fifrandiises of ye same and have ye assize of Bread, Wine and Beer and
ye correction and amendment of ye same from time to time.

And this power the mayor exercised down to a comparatively late
period.

(aa) John Power was father of Ambrose Power, of Barretstown, who took an active part against
the White Boys and was murdered by them at his own door November 27th, 1775. His great grand-
son married Harriet Bushe of Kilfane, and was created baronet 15th July, 1836. "

(bb) Mason Survey.

History of Clonmel.

173

Assize of Bread.

By order of the Worshipful Richard Moore, Esq., Mayor of Clonmel, the price of
flour being 4 li. per Bag, with an allowance to the Baker of 8s. the Wheaten, and Qs. on
the Household.

Wheaten. I Household.

lb.

0/.

dr. 1

lb.

oz.

dr.

One penny

0

i

00

00

05

3

Two penny

0

00 !

00

10

6

Four penny

I

00

01

01

05

3

Six penny

I

08

03 1

02

00

0

Nine penny

2

04

04

03

00

0

Twelve penny 3

01

3 1

4

00

2

Richard Moore, Mayor.

As the Bakers are allowed Qs. on the Quarter of Household Bread, the Mayor
expects that they will bake an equal quantity of the Household and of the Wheaten.
He will not suffer any bread to be made, baked or sold except by a Registered Baker
and marked with his name.

June 14, 1800 (cc).

Perhaps nothing can express better than this the distance that separates
us from the eighteenth century.

(cc) Clonmel Journal, July 16, 1800.

Ohapxbr X.

CLONMEL IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY,

CHE Moore regime in Clonmel came to an end in l8oo, and that of the
Bagwells began. On the 9th of August of that year, John Bagwell,
of Marlfield, purchased from Lords Enniskillen and Desert, as
trustees for the Earl of Ormond, " the lordship, manor or reputed
manor of the town of Clonmel, and all rights, royalties and franchises
appertaining thereto." The grant purported to convey " all the messuages,
houses, lands, wastes and waste plots, within the walls of the said town of
Clonmel, and all the burgagery land and a parcel entitled Duke's Island in
the barony of Upperthird and County of Waterford" (dd).

The Bagwells have been already met with in these pages, but a family
which was thus brought into such important relations with the town, and
which largely influenced its history for the next fifty years, deserves fuller
notice.

In a ledger kept by Phineas Riall, merchant, during the opening years
of the eighteenth century, two families of the name occur. The first is "Mr.
John Bagwell" who farmed the lands of Ballyboy, and subsequently
Ballylehane, near Ardfinnan. He was successful, it would seem, in his
occupation of grazier, for in January, 1710, he purchased the fee farm of
RathcuUiheen, Waterford, on the freemen's roll of which city his name and
that of his eldest son, John, are found fee). The second family mentioned is

(dd) The conveyance included the advowson of St. Mary's, though that patronage had been
vested in the corporation for centuries, and though there was not a particle of evidence to show
that the Ormonds ever even claimed it. Reading such documents one is sometimes tempted to varv
the dictum of Douglas Jerrold— " Now Barabbas was a conveyancer."

(cc) William Bagwell by deed executed I7lh September, 1760, sold these lands for /■760 to
Simon Newport. I cannot trace this branch of the Bagwells further.

History of Clonmel. 175

that of " Johnny Bagwell " of Clonmel. He appears to have been a draper
or tailor, as under date November, 1707, Riall debits Phanuell Cooke with
" £1 IS. 7d. pd. Johnny Bagwell for your coat" The founder of the Marlfield
family was, it is certain, John Bagwell, of Clonmel, whose will was proved
in 1754, and it may be taken as equally certain that he was son of the
"Johnny Bagwell" of Riall's ledger, for we find him also engaged in the
drapery trade (ff). But John Bagwell sold woollens to some purpose ; he was
able to set up one son, John, as a country gentleman at Kilmore where the
Bagwells subsequently won a fame akin to notoriety. The other son, William,
married Anne, daughter of John Harper, of Cork, partner in the banking firm
of Harper and Armstead, and thus laid the foundation of the family fortune.
In 1754 William Bagwell, as the nominee of the resident freemen against the
Moore party, fought the most memorable parliamentary election in the
history of the town. Having unseated Moore on petition, he survived the
election only two years, leaving a son, John, who was brought up by the
Harpers in Cork.

This John, about 1781, purchased from the assigns of Stephen Moore, in
bankruptcy, the fee-farm of Marlfield. He carried on the corn and rape
mills there for several years with conspicuous success, and soon became one
of the most notable figures in the county. The Nonconformist creed which
his family had professed was an obstacle to his social progress, and he soon
discarded it. Bagwell had, however, a better qualification for admission
into the ranks of the Tipperary gentry, and that was he could stand fire.
After three duels, he obtained a considerable measure of social recognition.
Having taken an active part in the formation of the Tipperary Militia in
I793> he was rewarded for his exertions by the position of colonel (gg), and
subsequently was returned member for Tipperary in the Irish Parliament.
Such was the man who now became lord of the manor of Clonmel.

In 1800, also, Bagwell acquired a sort of property in the town — an
" incorporeal hereditament " that will be sought for in vain in Blackstone,
or the evidence of it, in the Registry of Deeds — namely, the ''patronage" of
the borough. On the 31st December of that year, the following entry (one of
several) appears in the corporation minute book.

iff) In the executors' accounts of John Carleton, Darlinghill, are the items " Mr. John Bagwell,
April 7, 1 73 1. By funerale charges in his way £y] Qs. 5d. By mourning for the children
jf45 15s. 3d." Besides John Bagwell there were in Clonmel at the period Thomas Bagwell,
merchant, William Bagwell, timber importer, and Samuel Bagwell, collector of land and assessed
taxes.

(ik) The celebrated J. P. Curran one day in Clonmel being asked by a fellow barrister who the
veteran riding at the head of the militia regiment was, replied " Marshal Saxt with the flour of
Tipperary at his back. "

176 History of Clonmel.

At a meeting for the purpose of electing five burgesses in the room of the Hon.
William Moore, the Hon. and Rev. Robert Moore, the Hon. John Moore, William
Folks Moore, and John Robertson resigned.

Ordered that Colonel John Bagwell of Marlfield, Esq., Lieut. Colonel William
Bagwell, Richard Bagwell, Lieut. Colonel John Bagwell, Benjamin Bousfield, John
Keighly jun., Arthur Gething of Lorintoun, Charles Riall of Clonmel, Edward Crocker
of Ballinaguard, and William Pennefather of Darlinghill, Esq., be and are hereby
admitted Freemen of this Corporation.

The valuable consideration is not set forth, but the names of the second
party to this agreement merit attention. They are John Bagwell, the new
patron ; his three sons ; his son-in-law ; his cousin german ; his wife's brother-
in-law, Croker ; Croker's cousin german, Pennefather, together with Benjamin
Bousfield and Arthur Gething — poor relations probably ; not discoverable in
the pedigrees. In this family arrangement there is no appearance on the
part of the persons who might be supposed to be principally concerned in
the corporation of Clonmel, namely, the resident citizens. Not even the
formal legal notice was served on them ; and they probably looked on the
whole thing as the succession of an Amuruth to an Amurath. Only among
certain corporate officials was there a flutter. On the 24th July, 1801, John
Burke, chamberlain of the town, wrote to a friend : —

I can hear it whispered that all grounds leased by the late Corporation will be
severely investigated fhh).

During this year the Bagwells evidently busied themselves about the
spoils, for on 4th June, l802, Burke again wrote : —

I have reason to think the 24th of this month, will put a period to my agency ; it
is not to be supposed that the present Corporation can be friendly to me or permit me
to hold any place of emolument under them, from my opposition to that party for
many years past. My not being a satellite of theirs, but at all times firmly attached to
the Earl of Mountcashel and his fast friends, renders me incapable of holding an
Employment or even Grounds from them.

They will take all if they can, now is the cry. Every lease is bad and illegally
granted by the Old Corporation. From such Grippers, Lord deliver us {it).

Yet though there was not a ripple on the surface of public opinion,
Bagwell did not acquire a more absolute dominion of Marlfield than he did of
the corporation — its privileges, parliamentary and municipal, its patronage,
and in a sense, its revenues and estates. The sum paid to the Moores is not
now discoverable, if it ever will be ; there can be no question, however, as to
the value received by Bagwell. The Commissioners of Inquiry into Irish
Municipal Corporations, held a nine days' session in Clonmel, October 1833.
The evidence given, and the report of the Commissioners, form a memoir pour
servir as instructive as it is unimpeachable. The corporate machinery is
thus described by the Commissioners : —

(hhj John Burke to Kingston Power, Kilworth. fii) Same to same.

History of Clonmel, 177

It is declared by the charter of 6 James I., that the mayor and bailiffs for the time
being, and the 17 other free burgesses shall constitute the common council. The
election of mayor or bailiffs was to be made by the burgesses and the commonalty, [i.e., the
freemen.] Every other power seems to have been given to the mayor, bailiffs, free
burgesses and the commonalty. Among these, however, was a power of making bye-
laws " for the public good and sound government of the said town or borough " ; and
by the means of this latter power the commonalty seem to have been deprived of every
other. The commonalty can now neither elect the mayor or the bailiffs, or admit a
freeman, without the previous nomination of the council ; so that for a great number of
years every power has been, in fact, exercised by this select body ; and this select body
again influenced and guided by the patron or head of the corporation.

The nature of the influence and guidance, we learn from the evidence of
William Chay tor, the Bagwell mayor.

The Commissioners — Has any one individual the power of appointing a mayor?

Mr. Chay tor — Yes. Mr. Bagwell of Marlfield has the patronage of the Corporation,
at least as far back as I can remember ; beyond his time I know nothing of it. I should
suppose I know it for the last thirty years ; and his son and grandson after him. Their
recommendation and wishes were always attended to in the Corporation ; they were
supposed to be the head of the Corporation. I have never known an instance to the
contrary to their wishes being attended to in the appointment of mayor, and during a
minority, the wishes of their friends, were attended to in like manner.

Not only did the Bagwells appoint the mayor, but on the principle
custodire aistodes they secured the town council and the commonalty also.

Mr. Chaytor — I do not suppose that any person would be proposed to the Council
or admitted to freedom without the approbation of Mr. Bagwell, whose influence would
procure the admission of any number of freemen he pleased, or procure their rejection.

Mr. Bagwell is as influential in appointing freemen as he is in anything else.

To point the moral, Edward Labarte, town clerk, stated —

From 20th January, 1819, to 28th December, 1832, seven persons admitted to the
freedom, namely, Mr. Bagwell and his six cousins. They were all non-resident.

The corporation being thus constituted, the sequel is obvious. •

The ruling body seems for many years to have possessed unlimited and irresponsible
power over the property of the corporation, a power which it appears to have occasionally
exercised very liberally in favour of some of its own members. The consequence is
that the rental of the corporation estates, bears now but little proportion to their
territorial extent or value.

No. 8 in the rent-roll, is the Spa lands leased to John Bagwell, in July, 1812, for
ever, at the rent of £21 present currency.

It appears by the corporation book, that on the 24th of June, i8i2, it was ordered
that the mayor [Bagwell's brother-in-law] do forthwith execute a lease for ever of the Spa
lands in the county of Waterford with all the mills, tenements and timber thereunto
belonging, as formerly let to George Cole, Esq., of Clonmel, deceased, and lately in
possession of William Baker, of Dublin, Esq., to John Bagwell of Marlfield, in as full
and ample a manner, etc, at the yearly rent of twenty guineas to commence rent from
the 25th of March last past.

N

178 History of Clonmel.

A lease was granted in pursuance of that order, bearing date in July, l8l2. The
lands demised are situate in the county of Waterford about an English mile from
Clonmel, and contain 4lac ir. Irish measure. It would seem that this lease was made
at an under value.

At the time that this lease was ordered and granted, Mr. Bagwell was patron of the
corporation, and also one of the bailifis and burgesses.

Mr. Bagwell himself, and several of his relatives were present at the council which
made that order.

We were referred to another instance of the council's directing a lease to be granted
to a member of its body, that is, to Colonel William Bagwell. The order for this lease
is dated the 20th January, 1819, viz. :-— "Ordered, that the Mayor do forthwith execute
a lease for ever to the Right Honourable William Bagwell, of all that and those parts
of the corporation lands, in as ample a manner as same were demised to William
Craddockby lease bearing date the 23rd of September, 17 19, and assigned by James
Craddock, representative of said William Craddock to John Hayman, late of Clonmel,
gentleman, and as lately occupied by John Daniel and his under tenants, at the yearly
rent of £20." This is supposed to be No. 9 in rental. At the time this order was made,
Colonel William Bagwell was present, and was then one of the bailiffs, and it would
seem that several of his relations and connexions, members of the council, were also
present Colonel William Bagwell went into possession of the lands immediately after
the order was made, as Craddock's lease had expired. No lease pursuant to the order,
appears to have been executed.

We did not discover any bye-law on the corporation books, regulating the granting
of leases, but the entire power of disposing of the corporate property is assumed by the
council ; we presume under the bye-law of lOth June, 1754.

But the facility of annexing the corporate property was, perhaps, the least
valuable part of the Bagwell patronage. For the truth is, that nearly all of
the huge estate with which the De Burghs had originally endowed the town,
was already appropriated by the Ormonds and other patrons. At a
comparatively late period the Bagwells acquired by purchase the burgagery
lands, which unquestionably once belonged to the town. When the fact was
forgotten, popular rumour traced the title of these lands also to their corporate
jobbery.

If the patron did not derive much emolument from the lands, there were
certain offices connected with the corporation of a highly valuable character.

The Commissioners— Had the Bagwell family any influence in the election of
members of parliament for this borough ?

Mr. Chaytor— Yes, they had ; they were equally influential till the Reform Bill.

The blessed peace which was vouchsafed to the borough, as the result of
this domestic arrangement, we learn from a reply of the town clerk to the
Under Secretary of the day : —

Clonmel, 17 March, 1829.
Sir-— I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 13th instant, and in
reply, have to inform you that since the Union there has not been a contest for the
representation of the Town and Borough of Clonmel.

I am, Sir, etc.,

Edward Labarte.
To William Gregory, Esq.

History of Clonmel. 179

The members of parliament for the period were William Bagwell ; John
Kiely his first cousin ; James Hewit Massey-Dawson, and his son-in-law, Eyre
Coote — Coote being a stepson of Jane Bagwell.

Besides the mayoralty, to which a salary of £l8o was attached, the patron
enjoyed the right of presentation to the Protestant living of St. Mary's,
about £500 a year, to the weighmastership of the town worth a similar sum,
not to mention less lucrative oflSces, as that of bailiff, and master of the Free
School. And so completely were the corporate interests merged in those of
the Bagwell family, that the tolls of both were collected and funded together ;
while the corporate leases were kept in Mr. Bagwell's oflSce, James Douglas
being at once sheriff of the town and agent for Mr. Bagwell (jj).

The pocket borough system, however, was nearing the end. Parliamen-
tary reform was coming, and with it inevitably, the reconstruction of municipal
corporations on a popular basis. Even in Clonmel one might discern the
signs of the times. Two years after Bagwell had secured the patronage of
the town, he set about building new shambles. These were completed by
9th of September, 1803, when a by-law was made by the corporation
forbidding the sale of butchers' meat elsewhere than in the shambles, under
a penalty of twenty shillings, and forfeiture of the meat so exposed for sale.
The Clonmel Gazette ventiu-ed to comment on the ' supreme power ' of the
patron who

Obliged the butchers of Clonmel to march with their property from the station
where they could exercise their calling at a ninetieth part of the profits' expense, to
another where those of them who deal most extensively are compelled to pay a fifteenth,
and the less wealthy a tenth. Who also transferred the victuallers of the poor to the
costly stalls of those for the affluent.

An inoffensive poor inhabitant who with another rents a small shop in the Main
Street, a few weeks since had a quantity of mutton forcibly taken out of his house,
notwithstanding the shrieks of his affrighted wife, and Bagwell afterwards sent to him
and promised to restore the mutton, if he would take a stall. He has since been
threatened with a process of ejectment

The writer having further charged Bagwell, as Colonel of the Tipperary
militia, with witholding the " marching guinea " from some of the recruits,
a libel action was the result (kk). Though the paper was ruined, the episode
is noteworthy as evidence of the growth of an independent press, and of
healthy public opinion.

(jj) Report of Commissioners on Municipal Corporations in Ireland. William Hanna and
Maurice King, Sub-Commissioners.— London, 1835. Evidence Taken at the Clonmel Corporation
Inquiry. Printed at the Free Press Office, Clonmel, 1833.

(kk) Bagwell V. Power, Clonmel Assizes, August nth, 1804.

180 History of Clonmel.

The corporation, too, evading its legitimate responsibilities, was being
superseded by other bodies. The Protestant vestry of St Mary's fulfilled at
the time some of the functions of the corporation.

1804. Mr. Daniel Brien having offered to light about 200 lamps, or such number
of lamps as shall appear to the Committee to be necessary, for no nights, and to
collect the money to be laid in for that purpose, at the rate of £i 4s. per lamp for
lighting and collecting same, the Committee first putting the said lamps and iron
work in good order.

Ordered That the Committee do execute a contract with the said Daniel O'Brien
on said terms (//).

In 1830, under the Act 9 Geo. IV., c. 82, a statutory body of twenty-one
commissioners was created for the purposes of lighting and watching the
town. These were elected by the inhabitants generally, and were empowered
to levy a tax on all houses and tenements of the value of £5 upwards. The
amount levied ilnder the applotment was £753 14s. 8d. (mm).

But the first positive step towards the extinction of the old corporation,
was the deprivation of its power to elect the member of parliament (nn).
By the Act 2 William IV., the 94 Bagwell nominees gave place to a
constituency of 521 householders of £10 valuation, and the following year
the first contest in Clonmel as an open borough took place. Though every
efi^ort was made to hold the seat by money bribes, and the ofi^er of leases to
the more influential, John Bagwell was expelled by a majority of ten votes
from the family borough (00). The same year the Municipal Corporation
Inquiry was held, and henceforward the old corporation was regarded by
friend and opponent alike, as on its death bed. In 1843 the new corporation
created by the Municipal Reform Act came into existence. The first mayor

(11} Vestry Book. From the same book the following curious entry is derived : — " 1795
31 March. Ordered that the sum of £^2 stg. to be laid in and applotted on this parish by the Church-
wardens, be paid over to the Treasurer of the County agreeable to the Act of Parliament [for
Augmenting the Militia] for the purpose of providing seven men to serve in the militia of this County,
as being the number allotted on this parish, and five to fill up vacancies."

(mm) The watching was done by a dozen men who paraded the streets at night and sang out the
passing hours. They were clad in great coats and provided with wooden rattles, and probably were
more picturesque than useful.

(nn) The mayor, bailiffs, burgesses and freemen, made up the constituency under the old
corporation. During the Moore " patronage " the only condition of freedom was friendship for that
family, and in point of fact two- thirds of the corporation were non-residents who had no connection
with the town. The Bagwell " patronage " was not so absolute ; for a Committee of the House of
Commons on the petition of Spring Rice against the return of J. P. Vereker for Limerick in 1820,
decided that the gratuitous making of non-resident freemen was ultra tires. Bagwell's selection of
freemen was thereby restricted to residents in Clonmel. Furthermore, the Reform Act confined the
elective franchise to persons claiming by right of birth, apprenticeship or marriage, or by statute.

(00} In the case Strangman v. Hackett, Kilkenny Assizes, August, 1835, Smith, K.C.,in opening
defendant's case stated that £^ per vote was paid by Mr. Bagwell's agents. Two leases are known
to the writer to have been granted in consideration of election influence.

History of Clonmel. i«i

selected was John Hackett, who from being a journeyman printer, had by
ability, courage, and public spirit, won for himself the foremost place among
his fellow citizens. At a time when the whole machinery of the law was in
operation against the rights of the common people, he smote amain, week
by week in the Free Press, tithe proctors, partisan magistrates, and
exterminating landlords. Damages amounting to hundreds of pounds were
obtained against him in the law courts, but he survived all, and having
been the stoutest opponent of the old corporation, he became first mayor of
the new (pp).

The half century preceding the repeal of the corn laws in 1845 is the
most important in the commercial and industrial history of Clonmel. The
population, which at the end of the eighteenth century did not much exceed
10,000, steadily grew each decade until it reached about 1845 some 20,000 (qq).
The number of houses in the former period on which house and window taxes
were paid, was 1,349 ; the number in 1841, 2,330. The economic causes which
led to this expansion deserve some notice.

The parliamentary bounty on the carriage of corn to Dublin, which gave
Irish agriculture its first start, was followed by .the Napoleonic wars. These
raised the prices of all produce to an unprecedented height, and though the
prosperity was largely unreal and measured merely by a paper currency,
the stimulus given was for the time, deep-felt and effective. On the 25th
January, 1790, for example, flour at the Anner Mills was £2 3s. 9d. a bag ;
wheat I5d. a stone. Ten years later, July I2th, 1 800, the Clonmel Gazette lists
flour £4 a bag ; wheat 3s. Id. a. stone (rr). Though this latter was doubtless a
famine price, it is probable that the average for the first twenty years of the
centiu-y was not much below £2 lOs. (ss). As a consequence, a great part of
the country was brought under tillage ; the kilns which may still be seen on
every farm, recall the three-course rotation of the time — potatoes, wheat and
oats, followed by liming and manuring. When Napoleon collapsed in 1815,
the landed interest, who controlled parliament, passed the corn laws,
prohibiting the importation . of foreign grain. This, coupled with the
development of manufactures and growth of population in England, gave Irish
agriculture an artificial stimulus for another thirty years. While prices even

(pp) It is often taken for granted that the penal system disappeared pari passu with the penal
laws. Mr. Lecky writes of Ireland as late as 1833 — " It is scarcely an exaggeration to say that the
British Constitution had no existence there." — Leaders of Public Opinion, p. 260. '

fqq) In 1821, 13,012 ; 1831, 15,134; 184I1 20,917.

(rr) It is to be regretted that no files of the old Clonmel newspapers were kept, and therefore
it is impossible to give a full study of the extraordinary economic conditions of the time.

(ss) The English price was 9iBs. 6d. a quarter. — Six Centuries of Work and Wages — Rogers, p.
494.

182

History of Clonmel.

in short years did not approximate to the average of the former period, yet
they afforded an ample margin of profit. The quarter of wheat in the years
1828-1838 averaged, according to the Dublin Gazette, 49s. nearly ; in London
during the same eleven years it was 56s. Qd ftt). Clonmel now became one
of the greatest grain markets of the kingdom; for except a comparatively
small amount that went by canal to Limerick and Dublin, the whole com of
Tipperary and the neighbouring counties passed through the town. The
following returns of corn negociated in Clonmel itself, are taken from the
Report of the Select Committee on Irish Agricultural Distress, 1839 : —

Years

Barrels of Wheat

Barrels of Barley

Barrels of Oats

Barrels of Bere

1826

188,000

47.000

86!ooo

100

1827

192,200

38,000

95

1828

191,200

43,000

86,800

105

1829

189,000

44,000

82,000

100

1830

188,190

49,000

90,000

80

183I

189,000

43,000

93,000

120

1832

. 187,000

36,000

92,000

100

1833

188,000

37,000

101,800

.95

1834

188,200

44.000
38,000

80,000

fc8s

1835

192,600

86,800

105

In the earlier years of the century the great bulk of the grain was exported
in its unmanufactured state ; by degrees the exceptional advantages of cheap
labour and abundant water power were availed of; so that about 1840
between sixty and seventy mills were in operation throughout the county.
Some of these mills were very large. Shiel, who visited Clonmel in 1828,
likened them to cotton factories in Lancashire. "Malcomson's mill," he
writes, " is, I believe, the finest in Ireland. I felt dizzy at the play of the
machinery. Here half the harvest of the adjoining counties as well as of
Tipperary, is. powdered under the huge mill stones that I saw wheeling with
incalculable rapidity. Honest David showed me, with some touch of the
pride of wealth, this great concern. We ascended flight after flight of stairs
to a vast height. On reaching one of the loftiest stages of the building, I saw
a young man shovelling the flour into a large tube and covered with its
particles. 'That is my son,' said David, 'he will teach others by first

(tt) This I calculate from some figures in " Ireland after the Union "—Martin, p. 100, London,
1853. The only Clonmel prices 1 have met during this period are 1826, 22 Dec, Flour 37s. a bag.
Wheat IS. 6d. a stone. 1832, Nov. 7, Flour 35s. a bag. Wheat I4d. a stone. 1843, 8 July, Flour
31s. a bag. Wheat i5d. a stone.

History of Clonmel. 183

practising his business himself.' " (uu)* The proportion of flour to

wheat now exported, we learn from the returns for the year ending

April 30th, 1832:—

Hundreds of flour, 230,503.
Barrels of wheat, 28,678.
Barrels of oats, 19,445.
Barrels of barley, 3,878.

The following is a list of the mills of Clonmel and the immediate
neighbourhood, with the particulars now ascertainable (w).

1. POULBUEE : two pairs of stones. This was at first a tucking mill and was con-
verted into a com mill in 1792 by Edmund Daniel, who in the January of that year
obtained from Sir Thomas Osborne a new pepper-corn lease, in exchange for other
lands.

2. PoULBUEE : two pairs of stones. Originally built by Daniel and worked to a
comparatively late period by J. Heneberry.

3. Anner Mills : ten pairs of stones. First mill begun by Robert Grubb, 1763 ;
the mills of which the ruins exist, were built by him in 1780 ; worked by his family and
subsequently by the Clibboms, relatives in the female line, until consumed by fire in
1880.

4. Redmondstown : four pairs of stones. Built about 1775 by Joseph Grubb
who obtained a lease of the lands for lives, from Gamaliel Fitzgerald Magrath, 2
November, 1774. They were worked until 1878 when they were burnt.

5. Rathronan : four pairs of stones. Originally built by John Thompson, a
Quaker, who appears to have soon got into financial difficulties. It was last worked by
T. K. O'Mahoney and like so many others, was burnt about 1882.

6. Marlfield : thirteen pairs of stones. Built in 1769 by Stephen Moore ; rented
by Edward Collins from his assigns in 1780, until purchased by John Bagwell. The
latter carried on baking and biscuit making with great success, especially during. the
period of the French and second American wars. Mills converted into a whiskey
distillery by the firm of John Stein & Co. about 1817, and the manufacture of whiskey
continued until the late fifties, when the business was sold to the Jamesons, of Dublin,
who closed the place a few years subsequent

7. Marlfield : four pairs of stones. This mill whieh was situated close to river
is supposed to have been erected also by the Moores. It was worked by persons named
Shanahan and Dunn in succession, until about thirty years ago when it was burnt

8. Manor : ten pairs of stones. This, the oldest of the Clonmel mills, was re-
erected by Samuel Morton about 1785. Business continued by Morton and Thomas
Grubb his partner, and subsequently by Thomas Cambridge Grubb. Mill destroyed
by fire about 20 years since.

9. Hughes' Mill : six pairs of stones. Situated on Little Island and built by
Thomas Hughes.

10. SuiR Island : eight pairs of stones. This replaced an old mill probably dating
from the seventeenth century, which was used for grinding rape seed. Built about
1785 by Robert Samuel Grubb and afterwards owned by Abraham Murray. Starch
also was manufactured in considerable quantities.

(tiu) Shiel's Sketches, IL, p. 356. The extent of these mills we may conjecture from their
valuation under the first Poor Law Act. Malcomson's were valued at j£750 per annum, the Manor
Mills ;^28o, Marlfield Distillery ;f r,ooo, the Clonmel Gas Works ^"300.

(w) It must not be supposed that they were at all times able to work the full number of pairs
of stones, but on the other hand, some of the larger ones worked a night as well as a day stretch.

184 History of Clonmel.

11. SuiR Island : six pairs of stones. Built by Joseph Thomas Grubb.

12. Charles Street : four pairs of stones. Built by Peter R. Banfield, who how-
ever became bankrupt through the collapse of the Ryall's bank in 1820. Milling finally
relinquished there in 1855.

13. LriTLE Island : ten pairs of stones. Built in the early years of the century
by David Malcomson, adjoined Hughes' mill, and the latter not permitting Malcomson
to rest the shafts of the undershot water wheels on the partition walls, the wheels had
to be narrowed, with diminished power. The growth of the business we learn from the
Agricultural Committee Report of 1836. From 1815 to 1819 Malcomson exported
34,398 cwts. of flour; from 1825-1829, 357»6l8 cwts. (p. 74). These mills were
subsequently converted into a cotton factory, and after the Malcomson collapse in 1876,
they were turned to a boot factory by James Myers. They are now the milk factory of
Messrs. Dwyer and Cleeve.

14. Richmond Mills : three paifs of stones. Built about 1830 by Thomas Samuel
Grubb. Owned by Thomas C. Grubb and D. O'Neill successively.

15. Richmond Mills : six pairs of stones. Built by Thomas Samuel Grubb.

16. Ragwell Mills : two pairs of stones. Built about 1850 by Robert Lawton ;
ceased working about 1878.

17. Ragwell Mills : three pairs of stones. Built about 1825 by James Smith,
and successively owned by John Ratcliff and Peter R. Banfield. Workod by an over-
shot wheel fifty feet diameter

18. New Street Mills: three pairs of stones. Built as a saw mill by a
contractor named Doolan. Oat crushing machinery put in by M. McCarthy about
1877. ,

I 19. Spa Mills : two pairs of stones. Built by John Flynn and last worked by
. Maurice Dee about 1878.

20. MiNELLA Mills : three pairs of stones. Built by Burrows Close and improved
by Peter Banfield ; now worked by Phehin Brothers.

21. SuiR ViLLE : twelve pairs of stones. Built in 1782 by Robert Dudley. Originally
an ironmonger in Dublin Street, Dudley married secondly in 1769 Hannah Jesup, of
^^Woodbridge, and unwisely sank her fortune in building the mill in a place altogether
unsuitable. The mill was used in recent years as a woollen factory by Mr. T. Russell.

22. TUBBERAHEENA : two pairs of stones. Built by Simmons Sparrow and occupied
subsequently by Thomas Hayden and David Hally. It stood on the site of the present
Asylum ball court

23. SCROUTHEA : one pair of stones. Built as an oaten mill by John Hally and
afterwards converted by Richard Crean to a tannery (ww).

Besides the manufacture of flour for export, there was throughout the
first half of the nineteenth century, a flourishing butter market By the Act 2
Geo. I., no cask of butter could be sold on which the tare was not branded, the
penalty being forfeiture. Similarly none could be exported. A further Act
obliged corporations to appoint public weighmasters, to provide weigh-houses
and scales, and also regulated the make of the firkins, -and the due packing of
the butter. Each firkin should be branded with the weight, gross and net,
the name of the market, and the surname of the weighmaster. A qualitative

fww) The above mills, except Nos. 10, 12, 14, 15, 18, were all worked by water power. It may
be noted here that the grain elevator in universal use down to a late period— the quadrant buckets
attached to an endless band— was the invention of a Clonmel millwright. For most of the details
about the Clonmel mills I am indebted to Mr. James White, Mr. J. E. Grubb, of Carrick-on-Suir, and
Mr. B. Clibborn.

History of Clonmel.

185

test was also provided ; since in case of doubt as to the " merchantable "
condition of the butter " two able merchants of the place and two others
skilled in such commodities," adjudicated. Subject to such stringent
regulations, the butter trade inevitably gathered into certain centres, the
names of which were a guarantee of the weight and quality of the article.
" Clonmel " butter early obtained recognition, and for a considerable period
stood at the top of the English trade lists. The market seems to have
attained its greatest popularity about 1820. The returns made to parliament
for the seven years, following are : —

Ykars

1821

1822

1823

1824

1826

Firkins Tasted,
Weighed and Branded

1825 {

1827 {

48,884

54.296

36,334

39,399

48,676

37,537

58,691

Empty Firkins
Weighed and Branded

29,557

32.278

21,650

22,971

24.276

17,971

23,582

Fees

£611 I 0
123 4 9

734 5

9

678 14

0

134 9

10

813 3

10

454 3

6

90 4

2

544 7

8

497 9

9

95 14

3

593 4

0

608 9

0

lOl 3

0

709 12

0

469 4

I

74 17

7

544 I

8

733 12

9

93 5

2

826 17 II

In 1829 the Act 10, Geo. IV., c. 41, repealed the former Acts restricting the
sale of butter ; merchants now purchased at their stores, and the smaller
towns opened markets of their own. Three years later the quantity of butter
sold in the Clonmel market had shrunk to 21,559 cwts. The fees paid for

186 History of Clonmel.

weighing and branding the butter were the private perquisite of the weigh-

master, William Chaytor, at this period. Out of them were paid the rent

of the weigh-house and the wages of the officials, which amounted to the sum

of £167 a year, so that the average netted by Chaytor on the seven years was

£513 i6s. a year. According to the notions of the time he was considered to

have a vested interest in the market ; he received as compensation therefore

for the four years 1830-1833 the sum of £1,296 i6s. lOd. (xx).

The bacon trade reached considerable proportions. Wakefield who

visited Clonmel in December 1808, gives the following account : —

There is here an immense establishment for the pickling of bacon. 12,000 hogs are
slaughtered per annum. Liverpool salt is used. The warehouse in which it is pickled
will hold 100 tons. It is paved with flags and has channels to convey the pickle into a
cistern in the centre. The introduction of the English breed has been found very
advantageous, there being much less oflfal which brings only a guinea per cwt. The
bacon is not dried here but sent to England in a pickled state, packed up in cloths. The
pork merchants are chiefly quakers (yy).

The principal merchants were Henry Joyce, Irishtown ; Robert Banfield,
New Quay ; Murphy & White, Dowd's Lane ; Henry Price, Irishtown ; Patrick
Fennelly, Johnson Street ; Robert Grubb, Suir Island. Apart from what was
manufactured for home consumption, in the year ending April 30th, 1832, the
number of flitches of bacon exported was 63,751, and of lard 2,769 cwts.

The brewing and distilling industries were also in a prosperous condition.
In the season 1831-2, for example, 92,000 barrels of barley were purchased in
Clonmel, of which less than 4,000 were exported, the rest being used for
malting purposes. The brewery of Samuel Morton & Co. had now passed
into the hands of Stephen Going, while that of Greer & Murphy, of Nelson
Street, was being rebuilt after a disastrous fire which occurred in 1829. The
distillery of John Stein & Company at Marlfield employed, in 1838, 1 50 hands.
As the duty paid was only 26. 8d. per gallon, and the pot-still whiskey
produced, enjoyed a good reputation, the business steadily expanded. When,
however, between the years 1853 and 1858 the duty was gradually raised
from 2s. 8d. to 8s., the Jamesons of Dublin, who had taken over the distillery
from Stein, were obliged to close it.

About 1824 the Malcomsons, in addition to their corn mills, set up a

cotton factory ; in 1833 it afforded employment to about 200 persons. Shiel's

notice of it is characteristic : —

We proceeded to a large white building which stands immediately on the bank of
the river, and where I heaid the rattling of the shuttle as I approached the temple of

(xx) The butter market was built in 1817 by subscriptions, Chaytor contributing ^'loo, and the
merchants over ;^200. The site was granted by the patron of the town, William Bagwell, for the
nominal rent of ;^55 Irish. Municipal Commission Report, 1833. Market Compensation Report,
1828. Evidence given at Inquiry. — Tipperary Free Press. The local prices for butter, 1792,
17 March, 64s. per cwt. 1800 12 July, 92s. per cwt. 1826 22 December, 72s. per cwt. 1832
7 November, 83s. per cwt. 1843 8 July, 74s.

(yy) State of Ireland, I., p. 752.

History of Clonmel. i87

industry accompanied by the author of all the good, of which I had already received
intimation from the rapidity with which I heard some hundred looms going through
their operations. A vast apartment, lined with looms on either side, occupied by a
crowd of little blooming girls, who with the most animated cheerfulness, with health
ruddy on their faces, with hands and naked feet plied the respective machines over
which they presided (zz).

Besides these principal industries, there were others which are worthy of
note. The tanning of leather which had been carried on to a considerable
extent in the eighteenth century, was continued by Price, Taylor, Davis,
Cashen, Crean, Jones and Keilly, and subsequently by Byrne, Myers, Russell
and others. Soap boiling and tallow chandling had passed from Dumville,
Phelan and Bond, to Going, Lester, Quinn and Byrne. Steam engines,
machinery, pumps, cranes, castings, boilers, pipes and mill brasses, were made
on the New Quay by Jacob and Grubb (a). Cutlery and razors of a high,
character were manufactured by Bradford ; tobacco and snuff by Kielly and
Quinn. Nor were the arts that minister to luxury wanting. Henry Julian
of Dublin Street obtained a reputation for coach building. House furniture
of excellent design and conscientious workmanship, was made by Jacob
Graham in Duncan Street, while persons desirous to quarter arms had recourse
to " Richard Sladen, heraldic painter," in the Irishtown. As photography
was unknown, Edward Hayes of Johnston Street, "landscape and miniature,"
painted portraits from £2 upwards (b). Watches, clocks and silverplate
were also made in the town, not as now, merely retailed there. Under
the Act 23 & 24, Geo. III., c. 23, which obliged makers and vendors of plate
to be registered, the following Clonmel names are found in 1784 — ^John Quinn,
William Thompson, John Beauchamp, Cavan Ryan, Robert Cooke ; in 1800
James Shee; in 1808 Dennis Madden; and in 1815 Theophilus Harvey.
Some of the clocks of Hill, Prossor, Brodrick and Wallace, are still keeping
time after the lapse cjf a century (c).

Perhaps the most interesting feature of commercial Clonmel at this
period was its banking system. During the first decade of the eighteenth

(zz) Sketches II., p. 356.

(a) Much of the work of this firm was creditably artistic. The older lamp posts of the town
will repay inspection, while the standards of the benches in St. Mary's Catholic Church might be
profitably studied by more recent designers.

(h) A sketch of Hayes* is in the writer's possession ; its truth and delicacy is surprising for a
painter who made Clonmel his habitat.

(c) The registers of the Dublin goldsmiths contain a few entries : ** Robt. Cuffe was apprenticed
to Hercules Beer in Clonmell in 1705." Plate was assayed in Dublin in 1725 for " Noah Violas of
Clonmel 7 lb. 4 oz./' and "12 lb." the following year. The next goldsmith of whom there is mention
is Jeremiah Morgan. The Carleton executors' accounts contain the entry — " 1730 November 6. Pd.
Jeremiah Morgan for two peeces of Plate for Mr. Jos. Barrett and Mr. Henry Blackmore for their
trouble in appraising the Coil's stock,— bespoke by Mrs. Carleton ;f22 i6s. i^d." Morgan's son
Hercules succeeded him; '* 1762, 18 March Pd. Hercules Morgan for 2 pair of boot strap buckles." —
Perry Papers. For the Dublin entries I am indebted to J. R. Garstin, Esq., Castlcbellingham .

188 History of Clonmel.

century the corporation occasionally negociated loans with Phineas Riall,
merchant. Riall also advanced money on mortgages of land and houses,
and dealt in the bills of Joseph Ball of London, Burton and Harrison of
Dublin, Joseph Darner, Elnathan Lumn, and others. A little later John
Bagwell, draper in the Main Street, received money for safe keeping ; (d) he
also accepted the bills of Armstead of Cork and Burton of Dublin, and
discharged some other functions of a banker (e). In 1754, the year of
Bagwell's death, Stephen Moore of Marlfield, and William Markham of New
Abbey, set up a bank in Clonmel. These were immediately followed by
William and Phineas Riall. The Rialls were Dissenters, and Dissenters in
those days monopolized banking (f), Moore and Markham, therefore^ soon
disappeared, and henceforward for seventy years — with the exception of a
• brief interval — the banking of the whole district was carried on by the Rialls.
The successive partners were William, the founder, and his son Phineas;
William and Charles, the sons of Phineas ; and finally William, Charles and
Arthur. From the beginning the Rialls appear to have done a safe business,
and never seem to have spread their paper wholesale after the fashion of the
private bankers of the time. Though they advanced large sums — often at
low interest — on landed security, (g) yet the fact that in the earlier period
none of their notes were payable at sight must have carried them through
more than one crisis. They survived the crash of 1 770, and the subsequent
one of 1793, and thus together with a solid reputation, built up a considerable
fortune. By the end of the eighteenth century, the partners were possessed
of an estate in Clonmel and the neighbourhood estimated to be worth £70,000.
During the Napoleonic period the Rialls in common with others, had to face
an extraordinary state of things. In 1797 the Banks of England and Ireland
suspended cash payments. The metallic currency almost disappeared, and
the country was deluged with I O Us, promises to pay, post bills, and all
sorts of instruments of. credit. The notes paying duty rose from'450,721 in
1800 to 1,457,283 in 1804, and the increased number was almost entirely in
notes of £1 and under. Country gentlemen, reputed to be owners of an
" estate," and successful shopkeepers, set up for bankers — i.e., palmed off
paper on the public. When Bank of Ireland notes came down the country

(d) For example — " I percmtarlly desire ye two hundred pounds of my money that lyes in Mr.
Bagwell's hands may be imedeatly called in." — Will of Ellen Cumberfort, 1748, P.R.O.

(^) " I730» Nov. 5, Mr. Richard Carleton To paid him Armstead's bill on Bagwell, jf 30. Nov. 16.
By Burton's bill on Bagwell ;f50." — Carleton Accounts.

(f) The three Rialls named were three generations. The last married into the Caldwells,
Dublin bankers, while the Heywoods, the Liverpool bankers, were his cousins german. His sister
Elizabeth was wife of Simon Newport, founder of the Waterford bank.

(^) '* Altho' money perhaps may be a little scarce now, yet within these few years it might have
been had on Land Security I know at 4^ p.c, very large sums, and perhaps shortly may again." — W.
Perry to Simon Newport, 31st May, 1761.

History of Clonmel. i89

(it had no branches then) the local "banker" exchanged with the holders

his notes at a discount of lO to 25 per cent, and so got them into circulation.

These notes varied from £l0 to 13d. face value. Sometimes the public got

uneasy, and each holder to negociate his note had to endorse it (h)^ The

eleven Irish bankers of 1797 had grown to twenty-nine in 1802, and fifty in

1804. Among the new comers were the Watsons. In 1800 Solomon, John

and William Watson opened as a bank, the shop in Johnson Street, three

doors from the Main Guard, west side. Related as they were to the Fennells,

Hills, Boles and other Tipperary Quakers, the Watsons for a time did a

roaring business — in the issue of paper. In the year 1803 they paid stamp

duty on 34,400 notes under three guineas, and 1,500 notes under ten pounds.

John Watson was replaced in the firm by Robert Banfield. The meteoric

career of the bank came to an end about 1809, and it is to be noted that a loan to

the Watsons of £700 in August, 1785, was only repaid in January, 1822 (i).

Money therefore was not required for carrying on a bank in those days.

The Rialls' note issue during the financial orgie probably never fell below

£100,000 (j). In 1803 they paid duty on 36,300 notes under three guineas, and

5,300 under £lO. But as the various bubble banks passed into the law courts,

they appear to have brought their paper currency within reasonable distance

of their convertible assets. When the end came the Rialls, alone among the

private bankers, went down with honour.

The banks of Roche and Leslie of Cork stopped payment May 25th, 1 820.

These were followed by Maunsell's of Limerick, May 27th. Within a week

four other banks had closed their doors. On 8th June, a Clonmel merchant

wrote : —

Rialls' paid about SMfifSO yesterday, and from the appearance of this day a similar
large demand would be made. They under advice have closed their doors and
suspended payments for the present. There is no danger of eventual loss, but unless
they had Bank of Ireland paper for engagements of all kinds they would not keep
open (k).

A few days later the following statement was circulated : —

A Statement of the Affairs of William Riall and Brothers, Esqrs.,

Bankers.

£ s. d.
The Notes of the Bank in Circulation 8 June, 1820 ... 70,000 0 0
The Receipts for Lodgments Outstanding ... 48,000 0 0

The Balances due for Account in Ledger ... 37,609 3 6

£155.609 3 6

(h) In some notes in the writer's possession a score of signatures are traceable.
(i) Clonmel Annuity Society Accounts.

(j) " Dec. 6, 1808. Mr. Bagwell believes the notes circulated by the Clonmel bankers amount
to about ;f 200,000." — Wakefield's Ireland, II., p. 170.

(k) Robert Grubb, Clonmel, to John Lecky, Cork, 8th 6 mo., 1820.

100 History of Clonmel,

The Property of the Bank,
Cash on hands
Bills and Notes Receivable
Balances on Bank Account per Ledger
Debts secured by Mortgages, Charges on Estates and

under Decrees
Debts secured by Insurances
Turnpike Road Debentures

Interest in Modeshill held for lives renewable for ever
Interest in Rathronan for lives ...
Interest in tenements in Clonmel for lives
Stock and Arrears of Rent on and due by tenants at

Modeshill ...
Interest on Bonds, Bills and Book Accounts, at least
Maunsell's and Kennedy's notes
Roche's and Leslie's notes

Doubtful debts
Bad debts

£29,332 18 7
New Bank cost ... ... ... ... ... 3,000 0 0

£

s.

d.

3,876

13

2

«

7

10

9

6

21,212

17

8

11,500

0

0

575

7

2

3,000

0

0

500

0

0

600

0

0

700

0

0

5,000

0

0

1,130

0

0

579

5

0

6,032

18

7

23,300

0

0

£161,089 0 4

£193,421 18 II

Amount of available property ... ... ... ... 161,089 0

Due by Bank ... ... ... ... ... ... 155,609 3

Excess beyond debt ... ... ... ... ... £5,4791610

Against Casualties.

The Messrs. Riall have stock and furniture to amount in value of at least £5,000,
and are seized of Landed Estates and Interests in and about the Town of Clonmell
exceeding in value the yearly sum of £6,000, subject to life annuities to Mrs. Riall, the
mother of the Bankers, and the Rev. Samuel Riall, their uncle, amounting to £2,000,
and to contingent jointures for the wives of the Bankers amounting to £1,500.

William Riall & Brothers.

While business was for a time paralysed in the town, the sympathy of

the public was extended to the Rialls who had been brought down by the

fall of financial rookeries such as Newport's of Waterford, and Williams and

Finn of Dublin (I). A week later a meeting was held at the Courthouse,

Lord Lismore in the chair; the following among other resolutions were

carried : —

Resolved.— That a Committee of the following confer with Messrs. Riall on the
means of resuming their usual Business, and this meeting adjourn till Wednesday, 28,
to give time for communications with London to effect the wished for object. Lord
Lismore, Sir John J. FitzCJerald, Stephen Moore of Bam, Valentine Meagher, Richard
Pennefather, John Palliser, James Jacob, Mathew Taylor, Charles W. Wall, Richard
Creagh, Dunbar Barton, Edmund O'Meagher, Samuel Morton, William Barton, Samuel
Gordon, David Malcomson, Joseph Grubb Benjamin.

(I) The former at no period could pay twenty shillings in the £, while the partners in the latter
were never worth a shilling though they failed for ;f 300,000.— Evidence before Lords* Committee,
1826.

( ' ' '

\

i

" 1 ,1- I •!••: . . -t .

History of Clonmel. i91

Resolved. — That fully convinced of the stability and integrity of the Messrs. Riall,
that we do hereby agree to receive their notes in payment of all rents and debts due to
us, and we hereby strongly recommend the public in general to receive the same in all
their dealings.

Resolved. — That Messrs Riall be requested to receive payment of all sums
receivable and collectable, by the notes and receipts of the firm.

The bank, however, went into liquidation, and on 28th August, Samuel
Morton, James G. Jacob and John Domville were appointed trustees for the
creditors. A sum of £30,000, secured on the family estates, was obtained from
a fund of £500,000 created by government for the relief of those affected by
bank failures. Many, however, of the poorer folk who held the notes never,
through ignorance, proved their claims, and these notes may even now be
met with after a lapse of nearly ninety years.

One good result followed the collapse of the private banks of 1820 ; the
monoply of joint stock banking hitherto enjoyed by the Bank of Ireland was
abolished. Though the Act for that purpose passed in 1820, the Bank of
Ireland, with the help of the law courts, was able to render it inoperative for
four years. At length in 1825 the Provincial Bank (Provincial, for the Bank
of Ireland still had a monoply of a circuit of fifty miles around Dublin) started
four establishments. The third of these was Clonmel, where the Rialls'
premises were re-opened 15th November. The Bank of Ireland partly in
alarm, partly in spite, followed by establishing a branch the next year. In
1835 the National Bank was founded, and having received much support
from O'Connell, was long known as the " Liberator's Bank." At its inception
it was built on a peculiar plan ; there were two bodies of shareholders, English
and local. The shares of the former were £50, the latter £10, the amount
paid up being £7 lOs. and £2 lOs. respectively. The management was local,
the most notable director being Charles Bianconi. The Clonmel National Bank
had two branches — Cashel and Thurles. In 1852 the number of shareholders
was 1,050, the subscribed capital being £8o,000, and the paid up £16,235. The
fixed note issue was £66,431, the number in circulation £51,995 ; the specie on
hand November 1852, £9,560. From the first the bank obtained a high
degree of prosperity, and except for a brief period through the dishonesty of
a manager named Castells, paid dividends ranging from 12 to 20 per cent.
So successful was the business, that only in 1856 the proprietors agreed to
amalgamate with the present National.

By far, however, the most notable of the local banks was the Tipperary
Joint Stock Bank, popularly known as Sadleir's. This, which grew out of
Scully's Tipperary Bank, was established 5th July, 1842, the head office being
removed to Clonmel in 1847. The nominal capital was £500,000 in £50 shares
(£10 paid), but no more than a tenth of that sum was subscribed. The

192 History of Clonmel.

responsible officials were James Sadleir, Clonacody, and Wilson Kennedy,
solicitor, Clonmel — a member of a Presbyterian family of stockbrokers. The
shareholders registered in 1847 numbered fifty-one, of whom the Sadleirs,
Scullys, Kennedys and Keatings were the principal ; there were besides ten
farmers, two solicitors, a priest and a parson, and curiously enough, three
Bank of Ireland agents. There was practically no directorate, James Sadleir,
the managing director, exercising uncontrolled authority without the slightest
attempt at interference on the part of the directors or the shareholders at
large. The bank in truth was but a scheme devised by the notorious John
Sadleir, land agent, financier, papal champion, lord of the Treasury, for the
purpose of getting hold of the savings of Tipperary farmers and shop-
keepers (m). In this he was entirely successful, for by the beginning of 1855
he had obtained advances from the bank amounting to £174,000. Meanwhile
Nemesis was rapidly overtaking him, and in the March of that year he applied
to his brother James for an acceptance of £20,000 from the Tipperary bank.
James pleaded that the bank was on the verge of ruin, and suggested as
security for the acceptance, a mortgage of his landed estates. The mortgage
was drafted in the bank parlour of Clonmel, 15th March, giving power to
James Sadleir and Robert Keating (a cousin of the Sadleirs who was member
of parliament for Waterford) to receive the rents and sell the estates for the
benefit of the bank. But lest the credit of John Sadleir should be affected,
the mortgage was not registered. Three months later James being himself
no longer able to extricate John from his growing difficulties, approached the
London and County Bank, of which John had been chairman, to obtain a loan
of £95,000. He professed to give a full account of his brother's affairs, and in
reply to a question as to the latter's indebtedness to the Tipperary Bank,
stated that he owed about £40,000. The advance was obtained ; a legal
mortgage of John's Irish estates was executed, with the Tipperary Bank as
collateral security. But the existence of the previous mortgage was kept a
profound secret, and further, the deed of guarantee required from the
Tipperary Bank was ingeniously evaded. For by the Articles of Association
this deed should be signed by several directors and approved of by them at
a board. Kelly, the Clonmel manager, forwarded instead an official copy of
a minute of a supposed meeting of directors, and with this the solicitors of the
London and County Bank who were under the influence of its late chairman,
John Sadleir, expressed themselves satisfied. In January, 1856, it became an
open secret in London that the Tipperary Bank was in difficulties, while about

(m) The branches were Clonmel, Carrick-on-Suir, Nenagh, Roscrea, Tipperary, Thnrles,
Thomastown, Athy.

History of Clonmel. i93

the same time a grant of the Encumbered Estates' Court given as security to

Wilkinson, Gumey & Co., was discovered to be forged. The news began to

find its way gradually into Ireland, and by the second week of February the

managers of the several branches were preparing for a run on the bank. The

press however was effectively muzzled, (n) and though the Tipperary drafts

had been dishonoured at Glyn's, James Sadleir kept the best side out. On

Saturday, l6th February, he wired to John : " All right at all the branches —

only a few small things refused. If from 20,000 to 30,000 over here on

Monday morning, all is safe." But that day John Sadleir after a fruitless

attempt in several quarters to raise the money, wrote to Keating that the end

was come, and committed suicide by ppison. A month later it was ascertained

that the liabilities of the bank amounted to £450,000, its assets £50,000. The

unhappy creditors — mostly small farmers and struggling shopkeepers — now

passed into the hands of the lawyers, so that within a few months ninety

actions were brought in the superior courts against the partners who were

nearly all men of straw — mere creatures of the Sadleirs. The most important

of these actions was the unsuccessful attempt to secure for the bank, priority

for the unregistered mortgage of John Sadleir's estates, against the subsequent

mortgage made to the London and County, which was duly registered. After

years of litigation, in August, 1881, a sum of £3,000 was still due to 647

creditors who were required to prove their claims before llth January, 1882.

In the development of passenger and goods communications Clonmel

took a leading part. As late as 1758 the journey to Dublin cost about £5,

and occupied four days," the stages being Kilkenny, Leighlin Bridge and

Kilcullen. The first regular public conveyance was set up in 1772, when a

subscription list was opened in Clonmel to establish a poll carriage on the

stage to Kilkenny, the promoters being Sir Thomas Maude, Wray Palliser,

Francis Mathew, Thomas Moore and John Bagwell of Kilmore. With the

improvement of the roads and the establishment of mail coaches, the journey

to Dublin was brought within the small compass of seventeen hours. The

Clonmel traveller left at one in the morning, and passing through Kilkenny

and Carlow reached Dublin about seven that evening. The retiurn journey

was equally expeditious. Leaving the Hibernian in Dawson Street at a

quarter before ten in the morning, our traveller was enabled to alight at

"Richard Higgins' Mail Coach Hotel" in Duncan Street, Clonmel, before

(n) Mr. Patten S. Bridge was manager of the Thurles Branch. On the Tuesday of the fateful
week he invited Peter Gill, editor and owner of the Tipperary Ad\*ocate^ into his office. He pointed
out that the bank had steadily paid dividends of 6, 8 and 9 per cent., and the last report had showed
j£i7,ooo reserve. He offered ;£'ioo on condition of Gill's insertion of an editorial as to the hank's
solvency. Gill refused. Twenty years later Bridge, as agent for the Galtee estate of Mr. N. Buckley,
attracted even greater public notice. He was twice fired at — the second occasion encountering a
murderous fusilade in which he himself was wounded and the driver of his car killed.

194 History of Clonmel.

four the next morning. Besides the connection with Dublin and Cork, a mail
coach for Waterford left about six in the morning, arriving in Clonmel at
nine that night, so that a strenuous tradesman might go to Waterford,
transact business there, and return within the same day. Further, " a genteel
car for passengers and parcels" went three times a week to Kilkenny,
covering the joiurney in six hours. The arrangements for goods traffic were
even more primitive. Dray carts carrying about half a ton plied between
Clonmel and the adjacent towns. " Weekly and occasionally " cars left
Mathew Dunn's "Chum Inn," Thomas Street, Dublin, for Clonmel, Water-
ford, &c., while from Mrs. Power's " Cherry Tree," in the same street, there
was a tri-weekly service.

Such was the state of things when Charles Bianconi, a native of the city
of Como, by profession a hawker and picture dealer, set himself to the
problem of transit. The time was favourable ; the fall of Napoleon enabled
him to obtain horses bred for the aimy, at the price of from £l0 to £20, while
forage was correspondingly cheap. The first car run was one from Clonmel
to Cahir, 5th July, 181 5. Within the next thirty years a net-work of
communication, of which Clonmel was the centre, was spread over the whole
of Ireland. The cars were originally one-horse ones carrying four to six
passengers, but as the breed of horses deteriorated he was obliged to add a
second. The additional horse power enabled him to enlarge the car, so that
the four wheel " Bians," as they came to be known, carried twelve, sixteen
or more passengers according to the season, the roads, or the number of
horses added. In 1843 the establishment consisted of lOO vehicles, mail
coaches and cars of various sizes, carrying from four to twenty passengers,
at a rate of from six and a half to nine miles an hour for one penny farthing
a mile. The mileage was 3,800 daily, the consumption of hay about 4,000
tons and of oats about 40,000 barrels yearly. In 1849 when the railways were
being opened for traffic, the mileage of Bianconi's cars was about 4,250 daily —
the highest figure reached. The following table shows the local car traffic . —

Route, Established. Discontinued.

Clonmel and Limerick ... ... ... ... 1815 ... 1849

Clonmel and Thurles ... ... ... ... 1815 ... 1849

Clonmel and Waterford (10 a.m.)

Clonmel and Ross

Clonmel and Waterford (Regulator)

Clonmel and Waterford (Telegraph)

Clonmel and Cork

Clonmel and Kilkenny ...

Clonmel and Tipperary (3 o'clock)

Clonmel and Tipperary (Night Mail)

Clonmel and Dungarvan

Clonmel and Roscrea

Clonmel and (joold's Cross (G.S. Railway connection) 1849 ... 18

1816 ... 1853

1818 ... 1836

1820 ... 1853

1821 ... 1853
1821 ... 1853
1821 ... 1854
1828 ... 1852
1828 ... 184

1831 ... 18
1842 ... 1849

History of Clonmel. i95

At a time when the press of England poured into the ear of the world the
tale of lawlessness, of savagery, and inherent dishonesty of the Irish people,
it is instructive to note how Bianconi and his establishment fared at their
hands. "My conveyances," said he, "many of them carrying very important
mails, have been travelling during all hours of the day and night, often in
lonely and unfrequented places ; and diu-ing the long period of forty-two
years that my establishment is in existence, the slightest injury has never been
done by people to my property or that entrusted to my care" (o).

More vital, however, to the town than any system of land carriage was
the navigation of the Suir. Wakefield writing in l8o8 states, " The greater
part of the goods imported into Waterford are only unloaded on the quays
and sent forward to Clonmel, which has more internal commerce than any
town in Ireland " (p). Various attempts, therefore, were made to improve the
water-way, and to establish Clonmel as the centre of a canal system, a survey
of the country between Tipperary and Clonmel, with locks, harbours, etc.,
being taken (q). When in l8l6 the Waterford merchants sought an act of
parliament for incorporation as Harbour Commissioners, the support of
Clonmel was obtained only on condition of obtaining a share of the dues and
being represented on that body. But the Clonmel merchants discovered too
late that no tolls could be levied on ships for the purpose of inland naviga-
tion (r). In 1821 a memorial was laid before Talbot, Lord Lieutenant, for a
grant to deepen the river. John Killaly, engineer, reported that the rocks at
Carrick, the chief obstacle to the navigation, might be removed at a cost of
£1,200, but no help was given. Similarly in l83l,Lord Wellesley acknowledged
the great utility of the proposed works but regretted that no funds were
available. Four years later, November 2nd, 1835, a meeting of gentry,
merchants and others concerned, was held in Carrick to form a joint stock
company and obtain parliamentary powers. As the boatmen threatened
active hostility, a deputation of them was admitted to the meeting. Lord
Duncannon was in the chair, and the principal speaker was David
Malcomson, who gave an interesting historical summary : —

It is now sixty years since John Bagwell obtained a grant from parliament for
improving the river Suir. At that time the people thought as they do now, that their
interests would be injured by throwing them out of employment. A thousand pounds
were expended by making a track-way, as they then drew up the boats by ropes on

(0) Paper read by Bianconi before British Association Meeting, Dublin, 1857. A good picture
of one of Bianconi's " long cars " starting from Hearn's Hotel may be seen in Hall's Ireland. A
series of six coloured engravings was also published.

(P) II., p. 22. He adds in a note " Clonmel exports corn and pork. One merchant has on
hands sugar to the amount of jf 10,000."

(q) The original maps were lent the writer by the late T. C. Grubb.

(r) Information penes J. E. Grubb, Esq., Carrick-on-Suir, to whom I am indebted for most of the
details.

- • .' ii ii *• .*.- ».!•

.4

t . I'

' ' . . a. I

History of Clonmel, 107

Numerous and most important results may be anticipated from these operations,
but it will perhaps be as well to enumerate only a few of them here.

By increasing the facilities of trade, we shall increase trade itself, for instance, a few
years back Lord Duncannon went to the expense of building a quay at Fiddown, a village
on the Suir, about 5 miles from Carrick, and the consequence of that simple improvement
has been, that in a single year 120 sloops have discharged cargoes at this spot.

The Suir which is now navigable nearly as far as Carrick for vessels of 150 tons
burden, will be navigable with ease for ships of 300 tons burden.

In the export alone, the Merchants will save in freight a very large sum annually,
for the Merchants at Carrick who are now obliged to boat their goods, which consist of
butter, bacon, com, flour, and immense quantity of live stock. Twenty-two miles down
the river to Waterford, will be enabled to ship them at their own stores and save the
freight already mentioned. The merchants of Clonmel will have to boat their goods
before shipping, only 12 miles instead of 34, and the saving of freights thereby will
ultimately bendit the agricultural interests at large, and as the distance from Clonmel
to Carrick may be travelled in four hours by water, and in an hour and a half by land,
they will be able to superintend their own shipmients, which will enhance the value of
their goods considerably in the London market, as nothing affects the price of Irish
provisions more favourably than the care and Cleanliness with which they are shipped
to England, and to the feeder and live stock, the advantages will be incalculable.

Government having refused to undertake the improvements as public works, and
all hopes of a grant of money towards this completion having been abandoned, it is
proposed as already set forth to form a joint stock company to be called " The River
Suir Navigation Co.," to be incorporated by act of parliament, and be authorised to
improve the navigation and repair the bed of the river from Graney Ferry to the old
bridge of Carrick, and to levy a duty of not more than 6d. per ton upon all goods
imported and exported.

The Company obtained parliamentary powers and at once set to work.

Between the years 1836-41, the sum of £8,000 was expended iti removing

sandbanks and making the "Cut" at Carrick. By the summer of the latter

year, vessels of 200 tons were able to come alongside the quays of Carrick,

and sanguine people looked forward to extending "the Navigation" to

Clonmel. In the opening five months, forty vessels of from eighty to one

hundred tons, discharged their cargoes at the Tipperary seaport, coal being

sold there at the unprecedentedly low price of from 15s. to 17s. a ton.

But the boatmen were not going to take " the Navigation " lying down.

A shareholder writes to the Tipperary Constitution^ December 14th, 1842 : —

Part of a cargo of salt which arrived in Carrick was purchased by a Clonmel
merchant No boatman could be had to bring it up to Clonmel, and ultimately
the vessel was obliged to proceed back to Waterford for the purpose of delivering
the salt thence to a Clonmel boat This fact requires no commentary.

Lord Glengall, a strenuous advocate of the alternative scheme to
"the Navigation," viz.: — a railway (which being extended to Cahir, would
improve his property), seized on the occasion to address "the Lsfmled and
Commercial Interests of the Southern Division of Tipperary."

The boatmen, through the system of combination, are masters of the trade.
Among other scandalous exactions, they do not permit a new boat to be placed on the
river until part of an old one is worked up into the new one, in order that only a
certain number of boats should ply. The boat trade also is in the hands of so few that
it amounts to a monopoly.

198 History of Clonmel.

The angry controversy was ended eleven years later by the opening of
the Waterford and Limerick Railway.

Throughout the first half of the nineteenth century the town steadily
improved in appearance. Many of the older two-storied houses were re-
built ; the rows of thatched cabins in the suburbs gradually disappeared ;
the waste places along the river were occupied by huge corn stores, while
the quays themselves were finely embanked with limestone ashlar. The
Old Bridge being now unequal to the traffic, two new ones were constructed,
the western bridge mainly to serve the Cork and Dublin coaches, the " New "
bridge to connect the growing suburbs on the south side of the town (t).
All visitors to Clonmel were loud in praise of its progress, its busy air and
comparative freedom from beggars. One in 1820 writes: — "It is a very
considerable and thriving town. The streets are long and regular, and the
houses are well built, the greater part of which are rough cast, and are either
cream-coloured or white, save here and there one of neat appearance, whose
front is often curiously ornamented with blue slates, cut into various devices.
Within these few years Clonmel has been very considerably enlarged.
Mr. Banfield has added much to the appearance of the town by the erection
of a row of very genteel houses, at the east entrance, and Messrs. Rialls are
adding very considerably, both to its extent and appearance, in the erection
of a whole street of very eligible houses. The streets are clean and well
paved, but want that conifortable accommodation, a flagged causeway " (u).
The "comfortable accommodation " was supplied nineteen years later, when
another visitor reported: "The principal streets are spacious and are now
being flagged ; the town is extending not only in trade and commerce, but in
its buildings; it may truly be said to be one of the most thriving and
improving towns in the kingdom " (v).

A further evidence of prosperity, and of civilization (of which indeed it
is the only crucial test), was the increasing interest taken in the poor.
Monk Mason's Survey of Clonmel, 1813, states : —

A very extensive House of Industry was finished two years ago in the west end of
the town, both at the public expense of the county and by private subscription. It is a
common receptacle for all descriptions of mals fortunes, serving at the same time as a
place of confinement for vagrants and lunatics, as well as an asylum for the poor and

ft) The building of these bridges excited opposition in unlooked for quarters. The Corporation
were apprehensive that the western bridge would injure their tolls. When, at the Suininer Assizes, 181 1,
the Grand Jury passed a presentment for building a bridge '* over that part of the river opposite to
the salt and lime works at Raheen," the boat owners employed council to call up a fearful vision of
loss of life and merchandize through collision with the piers of the proposed bridge.

(11) Pigot. Commercial Directory. Manchester, 1820.

(vj Shearman's Directory. Kilkenny, 1836.

History of Clonmel. lOO

helpless. This building redounds immortal honour on the Society of Friends, especially
on Robert Grubb, Esq., whose unremitted labours and charitable exertions towards
meliorating the situation of the poor inhabitants of Clonmel, will never be forgotten.

There is also a Dispensary here for the poor, and is well suppnorted by subscription.
Such helpless families as labour under any dangerous and spreading disorders are sent
to the Fever Hospital, in the House of Industry, where the greatest care of them is
taken till they are perfectly recovered, and in a state to return home (w).

Early in l8i8, when the awful epidemic of typhus reached the town,
sweeping away whole families, the governors of the " Workhouse " added a
fourth department, namely, an orphanage for the children of parents who
had died of fever. As the Grand Jury presentments increased, the institution
was able to maintain a larger number. In 1820, there were 180 inmates ; in
1834, 183 ; divided as follows : — Old and infirm, 90; lunatics, 39; prostitutes,
vagrants, and others committed for petty crimes, 74. The grants for that
year, were £700 for the lunatics and £1000 for the other departments. The
following year the Clonmel District Lunatic Asylum was opened, and the
lunatics removed thither from the House of Industry. The asylum was
originally intended for 60 patients. The purchase of the site (11 acres)
amounted to £1,347, the building cost £14,019, and the furniture £l,220. A
few years later, 1842, the buildings were enlarged to accommodate 100 ; the
Grand Jury presentment for that year being £1,868. Another department of
the House of Industry was abolished in 1838, when the " House of Correction,"
adjoining the jail in Richmond Street, was established. A contemporary
gives a glowing account of the new institution : — " Here the prisoners are
employed in useful and profitable labour, such as carpenters, blacksmiths,
weavers, shoemakers, wheelwrights, etc., and many individuals who entered
this prison, idle and dissolute characters, acquire a practical knowledge
of some useful trade." Finally, the House of Industry itself was trans-
ferred to the Poor Law Commissioners; the first admissions took place
1st January, 1841, the number entering during the second half of the year
was 535, the expenditure up to this date being £7,862. Besides the House of
Industry there was at this period an institution known as the " Mendicity
Asylum." The Commission of 1834 gives the following account of it : —

There are about 124 relieved at the Mendicity by food and money; lodging is
given to fifty. Those who adopt mendicancy as a mode of living object to be confinai
to the institution ; when they would get work, they would go out. Beggars dislike the
Mendicity on account of the fare, which is stirabout twice a day. The inmates are
orphans and widows, and four or five infirm old men.

But in no direction was the progress of Clonmel more marked than in
education. It is not an exaggeration to say that in the early years of the

(w) MS., P.R.O., Dublin.

200 History of CXonmel.

nineteenth century half the population of the town could neither read nor
write. Within the next fifty years a whole group of primary schools was
established, and a good education brought within reach of the poorest.
This too, without the expenditure of one penny from the public purse. The
following were the public schools existing in the town in the middle years of
the century : —

Christian Brothers' Schools, SS. Peter and Paul's.

The Christian Brothers were introduced from Waterford about l8lO. The present
schools and residence, erected in 1846, on a site for which a rent of £3 lOs. a year
is paid. The buildings cost approximately £3,300, the money being raised by
subscriptions and annual collections for some years. In 1858 the number of pupils on
the rolls was 465.

Endowments consist, as far as can be ascertained, of a rent charge of £37 15s.
yearly under the will of Terence Lalor, who died 21 August, 1853 ; fifteen shares in
National Bank, bequeathed by Rev. Michael Burke, P.P., who died October, 1866;
£1,000 under the will of Mr. J. Barron ; the object of these endowments being the
maintenance and support of the Christian Brothers, and for feeding and clothing the
children attending their school.

Christian Brothers' Schools, St. Mary's.

These schools, which originally formed the Presentation Convent, were established
in 1830 ; the house in which the Brothers took up residence having been the Franciscan
Friary until the removal of the friars to Abbey Street. The number on rolls in 1856
was 240.

Endowments.— William Kielly by will 21 June 1850 bequeathed to these schools
(with others) the rents, issues and profits of his freehold and leasehold property. But
as his death occurred within the statutory period, the schools derived no benefit
Patrick Rivers who died 6 January 1846, bequeathed £5 annually for the maintenance
of the school. In 1858 the Commissioners reported that only £5 l6s. 8d. had b€«n paid
on foot of this bequest. Further endowments cannot be ascertained.

Presentation Convent Schools.

The Presentation Convent was established 2nd October, 181 3, by Rey. Thomas
Flannery, P.P., in the building now occupied by the Christian Brothers' Schools. The
community was brought from Dungarvan where they had been introduced four years
earlier. In the opening year the number of children in attendance exceeded 700. A
lease of 10 acres of Grenane was obtained in 1828 and the convent built there the
following year. Lace classes were carried on for the benefit of the poor during the
famine years. In 1850 the number on the rolls was 500. The new schools were erected
in 1865 at a cost of £1,400.

Endowments.— Patrick Rivers who died 6 January 1846 left £5 annually for the
maintenance of the schools. This bequest seems to be now lost. Nicholas Cott in 1854
bequeathed £l,000 for clothing poor children attending the schools. Rev. Edmund
Walsh, P.P., in 1885 bequeathed £l,000 to provide a breakfast for the poor children
of the schools. Alice Cantwell left £100 for the benefit of the poor children attending
the schools.

Sisters of CHARrrv Schools.

This community was introduced into Clonmel by Rev. Michael Burke, P.P., in 1848.
The residence and schools were provided at the .sole charge of Dr. Burke himself.
Between 1850-60 there were from 300 to 400 children on rolls.

Endowments. — Rev. Michael Burke, died October 1866, bequeathed £1,600 to provide
clothing and breakfast for the poor children attending the schools. Mr. J. Barron
bequeathed a further sum which produces an annual interest of £14 for the like purpose.

History of Clonmel. 201

Charitable School for Girls.

This school existed previous to 1788, for on 27 June that year Mrs. Anne Cooke
bequeathed £50, the interest " to support the school lately established in Clonmel for
the tuition of poor children as long as same school shall continue." Robert Grubb
bequeathed II December 1796, dE2 15s. 4d. a year and rent of certain premises ; invested
in stock £125 including £15 bequeathed by Rebecca Grubb 1849. Endowments in 1858
amounted to £7 7s. 8d from land, £5 5s. from trust funds.

The school was managed by a committee mostly of ladies who out of endowments
and subscriptions paid the mistress £30 a year ; building accommodated 120 ; on roll
36; in attendance 15, of whom II were Catholics. From 10-12.30 was devoted to
needlework, and three days of the week an hour was devoted to the Scriptures. Secular
instruction therefore very elementary ; reading poor, grammar and geography incon-
siderable, in arithmetic no skill in the common rules, writing good.

;. , Incorporated Society's School.

This was established in 1832 out of the endowments of the old Charter School. John
Dawson devised 71 la. Or. I7p. let on renewable lease £75 13s. lod. a year; Sir Charles
Moore, renewable lease of 39a. 3r. ip. reserving £li is. 8d. a year, 23 April 1747;
Corporation of Clonmel grant 17 April, 1707, £4 I2s. 4d. a year in consideration of a
bequest from Dr. Ladyman ; Corporation of Clonmel rent charge of £7 7s. 8d. 2 August
1707 in consideration of a donation from Mrs. Pomeroy. Endowments in 1858 consisted
of 750a. 3r. l8p. producing a net annual income of £163 14s. lid., the school premises
being valued at £8 lis. 2d.

School built by Incorporated Society at a cost of £252, who appointed the master.
Building accommodated lOO ; on roll 26 ; in attendance 17. Amount and quality of
instruction below the average, and the school generally very unsatisfactory.

Friends' Boarding School for Girls.

This school existed in 1796 when in December 20th that year, Robert Grubb by will
bequeathed the premises to twelve trustees to hold for the purposes of the school. He
also left to them the annual rent of £60 derivable out of the flour mills held by Thomas
Grubb, such rent to be paid to the governors of the school for the time being whom
they should appoint In 1846 the trustees on petition to the Lord Chancellor obtained
power to lease the school premises to Joshua Malcomson for 300 years at a rent of £4,0,
On 30 August 1847 a lease of 2a. 2r. 23p. of Prior Park was obtained from Henry Pedder
in consideration of £166 13s. 4d. the rent being £15 a year. The new schools which
cost dE2,584 14s. 8d. were erected from funds raised by mortgage of the old school
premises and the endowment.

The buildings accommodated 32 boarders. In 1858 there were 15 in residence who
paid pensions £37-£42. The school was most creditably conducted ; the premises
scrupulously clean ; the teachers well qualified. The pupils were well instructed in
French, drawing, English literature, geometry, natural philosophy, and the elements of
astronomy. Music of any kind was not taught, that accomplishment not being approved
of by the Society of Friends (x),

Clonmel had now reached the climax of population and material
prosperity, and therefore its story might be supposed to be fittingly ended.

(x) Besides the public schools there were some fourteen "academies" carried on mostly in
Mary Street and Ann Street. Mrs. William F'oley advertizes in a local directory 1839, that " She
obliges her Pupils to correspond with her one day in each week on Literary and Historical Subjects.
After the morality of the Pupils Mrs. F. next attends to their manner about which (most attractive
point in a female) she is so anxious, that her Pupils never leave her ; they are her constant
companions with or without company ; they surround her and form her first care, which constant
association cannot fail in producing that ease and elegance of manner which to be truly attractive
must be naturally and unceasingly practised."

202 History of Clonmel.

But to stop here would be to cover up and hide away some of the most vital
facts in the history of the locality. For paradoxical though it may appear,
the highest point touched by the town, marks the lowest level in the condition
of the industrial population. The normal condition of a great mass of the
people from 1800 to 1850 was destitution, and out of this arose a state of
things which can only be described as smouldering civil war.

During the eighteenth century, as has been narrated, the county Tipperary
was parcelled out in huge grazing districts. In this way, partly through
economic causes, partly through the supineness of the landowners, partly
through the penal code which restricted the interest of a Catholic in land to
31 years and then at a rack-rent (y), the people at large had the sort of
connection with the soil the Bedouins have. Their habitations too were
about as substantial. Arthur Young saw the farmer leasing the land, and
his labourers forthwith marking out their plots and setting up their bothys.
This observant traveller in his rides around Mitchelstown, notices one day a
cabin with its occupants, the husband and wife, a number of children and the
pig, all in full swing where none had existed the day before (z). Cabins
were built in by-ways, in the corners of fields or in disused quarries, while the
lands were settled and leased, and bought and sold, with as little notice of
the people upon them as if they had been so many rabbits. Lord Glengall
informed the Devon Commission in 1843 that sixty years earlier the Cahir
property had been divided among some twenty lessees, at which period the
lands were all in grass " with scarcely any inhabitants on them." The truth
is that there existed on these lands a population of over 4,000, but they were
absolutely ignored in the legal arrangements (aa). When, however, towards
the end of the century tillage was substituted for grazing, the great farms
were split up, sometimes by the landowners themselves, more often by the
lessees ; but in all cases the occupiers were so rented that their margin for
existence was still the potato. In the middle of the eighteenth century the
average rent of land in South Tipperary did not probably much exceed 5s. an
acre (bb) ; in the third quarter it had risen four-fold ; by the last years the
average reached £3 an acre. Wakefield, in December 1808, gives some local
details.

(y) " Every papist shall be disabled to purchase any lands or any leases or terms thereof, other
than term of years not exceeding thirty-one years, whereon a rent not less than two-thirds of the
improved yearly value, shall be reserved during such term." — 2 Ann, c. 6, s. 8.

(z) Tour II., 37-40.

(aa) The Catholic parish registers show about 4,400 in 1779, which number had increased to
4,900 in 1 791. In each case I have used the factor 27, which is probably too low, and taken the
average birth rate of three years at each period .

(bb) Maurice Keating, e.g., rented the lands of Cooteagh, 190 acres Irish, from John Perry in
1759 at 3s. 3d, to 3s. 6d, an acre. — Perry Papers.

History of Clonmel.

The high ground rent for houses in Clonmel is very extraordinary — from 70 to 100
guineas per acre, the leases being for three lives.

Mr. Sparrow [of Oaklands] let a piece of land consisting of 25 acres without a
habitation upon it at the rate of 12 guineas per acre, and another of 105 acres situated
at a distance of a mile and a half at 6 guineas an acre. Near Clonmel a farm has been
let on account of local convenience so high as 14 guineas per acre (cc).

These extraordinary rents were due to the price of agricultural produce
during the Napoleonic wars ; but there was another cause in constant operation
which kept rents at a level that allowed the occupier a bare subsistence. This
was the rapid increase in population. The census of Tipperary in 1821 was
346,896 ; in 1831, 406,977 ; in 1841, 435,553. The additional population having
no outlet, had to turn back on the land ; farmers divided their holdings to
provide for their children, and these in turn to provide for theirs. The resists
of the process through two generations appear in the census returns of 1841.

County of Tipperary.

Number of Farms.

About I to 5 acres ... ... 13,032.

About 5 to IS acres ... ... 12,787.

About IS to 30 acres ... ... 4,938.

Above 30 acres ... ... 2,960.

In the backward state of agriculture these petty farms afforded but a
wretched livelihood to their occupants, and the rents therefore became an
intolerable burthen. The general misery was intensified by the condition of
the labouring poor. During a great part of the winter, and from May until
August, there was no employment to be had ; the wages for the rest of the
year varied from 8d. to lOd. a day according to the season (dd).

The Clonmel evidence in the Report relative to the Destitute Classes,
1834, appears to verge on the incredible. From 500 to 600 labourers, we
learn, came from Kerry and Cork in the harvest; and their wives for the
most part went begging.

The native labourers have not the practice of sending wives and children begging,
but when it does happen it occurs in summer. Between servants there is a sympathy
existing and they assist each other ; those in place assist those who are out. It rarely

(cc) Ireland I., p. 277.

((id) Evidence of William G'Donnell, Esq., Carrick. — Devon Digest II., 493. In page 267 of

the Report relative to the Destitute Classes, 1834, ^^y be seen the balance sheet of a Tipperary
labourer : —

Income. X s. d.

• Three days employment in the week at lod. ... ... o lo o

Profit of a pig, bought at los., sold at ^i los. ... ...100

Total Annual Income ... ;f7 10 o

Expenditure.

Rent of a cabin ... ... ... ... ... i 10 o

Leaving to be expended on himself and family in clothes and food 600

Total Annual Expenditure ... £j lo o

204 History of Clonmel.

happens that they have recourse to begging. There are a vast number of respectable
persons in great want who are ashamed to beg ; some live on a few dry potatoes for 24
hours. Many destitute persons die gradually from want of comfort and necessary food.
Corrigan, a tradesman, knew a tradesman's family consisting of eight persons, to go
two days without food ; the friends gave something the third day ; they would rather
die than ask for it. In the county of Watefford, near Clonmel, two orphan children
died of starvation about six years ago ; they perished on the road side, in the middle of
the day ; they fainted away as they were wayfaring. James Smith, boatman, gives the
story, and is not sure whether an inquest was held.

Perhaps 100 people go out in a day from Clonmel gathering potatoes ; they consist
chiefly of women and children. Sometimes farmers boil potatoes purposely for the
beggars. They give in proportion to the number of the family applying, and give as
long as they have to spare ; two handfuls to a family. It is very common for the
farmers to give improvidently to beggars, so as to leave themselves in want at the end
of the year ; many of the farmers were forced to anticipate their means this summer,
to buy meal at a high rate. Farmers allow beggars to lie in the bams. The labourers
generally give lodgings, and the farmers give them straw and potatoes ; very little milk
except they have large dairies. Farmers sometimes, too, give a cast-off garment,
particularly to the children if they are naked. Three in one family died in less than a
week, within three miles of Clonmel, of fever caught from a beggar's family who slept
in the house. If a wandering beggar is taken ill of the fever and cannot get admission
into an hospital, the people build a hovel on the road side, or in a comer of a field, and
leave the family there. The labouring people give them what few things they can spare
and leave them at the door.

Charity, good feeling, and sympathy for the condition of the applicant, are the
motives which induce to relief. Children of beggars are brought to habits of industry
after a certain age. No instance could be remembered of a professional beggar from
childhood ; they enlist, emigrate, or become labourers. Farmers will not encourage
stout beggars ; they will employ the sons of beggars from a charitable motive and a
wish to discountenance begging. No persons take to beg^ng from choice ; if they can
procure the necessaries of life they will not beg ; begging is looked on as disgraceful ;
even in a bad season the mother and children would go into a mendicity house, but the
father would refuse.

There are about 150 street beggars in the town. The mayor employed two officers
to take up all beggars, and send them to the House of Industry ; it was given up
because public opinion was against it When they arrested a man in the streets the
crowd rescu^ him, the working people passing by thinking it a hardship to confine a
man for begging (ee).

From all this it is clear that the evil of the time was not pauperism, but
poverty, and this poverty passed into famine, in seasons when the potato
crop partly failed— i8oo-'lo-'l8-2i-'28-'30-'34-

The men are at that time ready to work for their diet ; the wives and children
spread over the land and beg ; and begging is then a bad profession, as the people have
little to give. At this time labourers and even tradesmen can scarcely get one full
meal in the 24 hours. It often happens that a labourer then goes to bed supperless.
Besides this they will often collect the cornkail, and rape and nettles and eat them ; the
latter only happens in a dear summer such as this year (ff).

The distress and privations those people silently endure are incredible except
to those who have the pain to witness them. There is a periodical starvation in this
town among the poorer classes for want of employment. There are some of them who
are scarcely able to procure one meal a day (gg),

(ee) Report, pp. 390-6, also p. 58, Abstract.

(Jf) Report on the Destitute Classes. Parish of Carrick-on-Suir.

(gg) Evidence of Patrick Hayden, Carrick. Devon Digest I., p. 494.

History of Clonmel, 206

The whole population, therefore, depended on the land, and as the
possession of a piece of land was the only security against starvation, a
constant struggle for possession went on. At periods when a fall in prices
or a bad season led to rent being unpaid, and consequent eviction, the
country was brought almost to a state of anarchy. And these periods were
frequent In the beginning of 1814 in Clonmel market, wheat was 3s. 8d.
per stone, beef lod. and mutton lid. per lb. Six months later. Napoleon had
abdicated, and on July 1st, wheat was sold for is. per stone, beef and mutton
3/^d. per lb. For the next few years landlords and tenants were engaged in
fierce conflict Some landlords indeed, proceeding to extremes, were marked
out for vengeance. On 27th December, 181 5, Henry Long, at Toomevara,
while distraining his tenants for rent, was stoned to death. Within the next
few months three others were fired at, and the authorities in alarm posted
military at vantage centres, swore large numbers of persons as special
constables, and suspended the Habeas Corpus Act The event, however,
which stirred the county to its depths was the murder of William Baker of
Lismacue. Returning from Cashel Sessions, November 27th, 1 81 5, he was
met by two men at the gates of Thomastown Park and shot through the
head. Though a reward of £5,000 was offered, and though scores of
suspected persons were lodged in the bridewells, the secret which was known
to hundreds, was long kept and the efforts of the Crown baffled (hh).

During the years 1814-50, a war without truce was waged between the
landlords, the law, the magistracy, and the forces of the Crown on the one
side, and the whole population on the other. From September, 1814, to
May, 1818, the baronies of Iffa and Offa, Middlethird, Clanwilliam,
Kilnemanagh, Slievardagh and Compsy, were subjected to the Insurrection
Act From April, 1822, to May, 1825, these baronies, together with Upper
and Lower Ormond, were again declared to be in a state of disturbance,
and Habeas Corpus suspended. Again in February, 1832, the proclamation
was renewed for all the baronies, except Iffa and Offa, which by this time
had become comparatively peaceful ; and again in 1847, the Act II., Victoria
c. 2, for the Better Prevention of Crime and Outrage was, by proclamation,
applied to the entire county of Tipperary. In addition to the police
establishment settled on the county by the Act of 1823, there was an
auxiliary force of 500 men constantly employed on special service. Parlia-
ment throughout this period instead of making an effort to adjust the
landowners' claims, with the right of the people to existence, literally threw

(hh) Eventually two men named Keating and Maher were imprisoned in Cahir. Keating,
through connivance or otherwise, obtained some whisky and their conversation being overheard,
Keating was subsequently induced to give evidence, and Maher was hanged .

206 History of Clonmel.

oil on the fire. For previous to 1815, tenants could not be ejected unless by
an expensive process in the superior courts. Even if the tenant did not
take defence, it cost the landlord about £18 to put him out, however petty
the holding. If the tenant chose to defend, the ejectment trial cost the land-
lord any sum from £50 to £150. But the Act 56, George IIL, c. 88, created a
process known as civil bill ejectment, by means of which a tenant whose
rent did not exceed £50 a year, might be got rid of for a sum of less than £2.
Again, the so-called Emancipation Act of 1829, by disfranchising the forty
shilling freeholders, took away from the landlords the sole motive for
continuing the poorer tenantry on the soil — their use at the hustings (it).
In the event a system of " clearances " was inaugurated, which probably had
no parallel in any civilized country. Whole townlands were swept of
inhabitants ; and without feeling or remorse, hundreds of small farmers and
cottiers were cast on the roadside to perish of hunger, exposure, or typhus.
For it is to be remembered that at this period there was neither workhouse
nor emigrant ship to succour the wretched people. As an evidence of the
spirit in which evictions were carried out, the following, which is taken from
an appeal of " a Tipperary landlord and magistrate " to Lord Eliot, the lord
lieutenant of the day, deserves to be quoted : —

As a proof of the necessity for some Enactment to facilitate the recovery of small
holdings, many cases might be given ; one may here suffice :-^In the week now current
the Sub-Sheriff of Tipperary attended, accompanied by a Police escort, to give
possession under an " Habere " of certain houses and lands on a property in the barony
of Lower Ormond. In the course of his duty, the Sheriff was obliged — heartrending as
such a proceeding was — to have removed from their houses and from their beds some
members of a family lying ill of a contagious fever! it being totally impossible for the
Sheriff or even the Landlord or his Agent, if present, to admit them to retain, or
re-enter into possession, such are the delays and expenses this proceeding would admit
of— and which the Peasantry are too fond of taking advantage of. The consequences
are, that they are, in those cases generally dependant on their neighbours' charitable
feelings for a lodging — the Landlords frequently, perhaps at their own loss, levelling
the houses to prevent re-occupation (jj).

The attitude of the Tipperary landlords towards the people, is indeed
frankly revealed by the whole tenor of the pamphlet. When the agrarian
war had attracted the attention of the kingdom, an attempt was made to deny
the wholesale character of the clearances. Lord Donoughmore at the Roden
Commission, challenged the statements of Sergeant Howley, Chairman of
the County Court. Howley however professed his readiness to give the

(ii) To this latter Act some authorities ascribe most of the Tipperary "clearances."- Lord
Donoughmore, in his evidence before the Roden Commission (1839), stated: — "The gentry began to
clear their estates of the forty-shilling freeholders who had been done away with by the Act" —
Lords Committee, 1839. Question No. 1277.

(jj) The Pretent State of Tipperary as regards Agrarian Outrages, etc., by a Magistrate of the
County. Dublin, May, 1842. Appendix 7.

History of Clonmel, 207

names of the wholesale evictors, and added that "from conferences which he
had with the other assistant barristers, he had found that ejectments at
sessions were more numerous in Tipperary than in any other county, and
that he himself had more than 150 at one sessions; the 150 defendants
represented about 900 individuals 'YitiM- As Lord Hawarden, one of the
commissioners, was himself among the principal exterminators, it is
unnecessary to add Rowley's oflfer was not accepted (II). And the statistics
of the higher courts confirmed the experience of the County Chairman.
During the years 1833-38 the Tipperary ejectments in the Superior Courts,
Dublin, numbered 882 — ^three times as many as any other county. As these
ejectments dealt with extensive holdings, each of them including several
sub-tenancies, it is probable that the number of persons affected ran into
thousands.

The consequences are summarised in the Report of the Select Committee
of 1830 : — " It would be impossible for language to convey an idea of the
state of distress to which the ejected tenantry have been reduced, or of the
disease, misery and even vice, which they have propagated in the towns
wherein they have settled; so that not only they who have been ejected,
have been rendered miserable, but they . have carried with them and
propagated that misery. They have increased the stock of labour, they
have rendered the habitations of those who received them more crowded,
they have given occasion to the dissemination of disease, they have been
obliged to resort to theft and all manner of vice and iniquity to procure
subsistence ; but what is perhaps the most painful of all, a vast number of
them have perished of want."

The unhappy people, protected neither by law, by public opinion, nor by
conscience, now set about obtaining for themselves fixity of tenure by the
method of assassination. " When a tenant," said the Devon Commissioners,
describing Tipperary in 1845, " is removed, he is looked upon as an injured

(kk) Lords Committee on State of Ireland 1839.

(ID One Father Davern in a series of letters to the Nation^ gave a thrilling exposure of the
Hawarden clearances. " Over two hundred families, comprising thirteen hundred human beings
were evicted from their holdings on your lordship's estate. (Here follow the names, residence,
and number in family of the tenants). Their houses were burnt or demolished, and they themselves
were driven as outcasts on the highway. Pestilence and fever generated by famine, slew their
hundreds, but hundreds still survive to eat the bread of sorrow as inmates of the poor houses
throughout the county. The assessment for their support instead of being levied on your lordship's
estate, is charged on the capital, industry and labour of the merchants, shopkeepers and tradesmen of
the towns which afford these paupers shelter. I appeal to the British Parliament and ask them how
can Tipperary be tranquil and happy when a peer of Parliament, a Lord in Waiting to the Queen
will allow the industrious population to be driven to desperation. " The result of the terrible exposure
was questions were asked in Parliament, and Peel asked Hawarden for an explanation. The
Solicitor General applied to file a criminal information against the editor. Shiel was retained for
the defence and Robert Potter as attorney searched out in garrets, cellars, and workhduses. Lord
Hawarden's scattered tenantry. The case against the newspaper was never proceeded with.

208 HISTORY OF CXONMEL.

man, and the decree too often goes out for vengeance upon the landlord or
the agent, and upon the man who succeeds to the farm ; and at times a large
numerical proportion of the neighbourhood look with indifference upon ^the
most atrocious acts of violence, and by screening the criminal, abet and
encourage the crime. Murders are perpetrated at noon-day on a public
highway ; and whilst the assassin coolly retires, the people look on, and
evince no horror at the bloody deed " (mm), A few instances may be given.
Charles O'KeefFe, agent for Valentine Maher of Turtulla, evicted l8o persons.
Shortly after, on October 24th, 1838, he was shot dead in the street at Thurles,
and the murderer could never be discovered. James Scully, of Kilfeacle,
evicted 30 tenants in the winter of 1841. The following April 17th, he was
fired at and wounded in the jaw, but recovering, he was murdered on the 26th
of November subsequent The murderer in this case also was never
discovered. On the 5th April, 1838, Austin Cooper and Francis Wayland,
two land agents resident near Tipperary, were proceeding to the fair of that
town. They were accompanied by a brother of Cooper, and all three were
armed. At a place called Ballinaclough they were fired at by three men ;
the fire was returned with the result that Samuel Cooper alone escaped with
his life (nn). Robert Hall, of B|illygurteen, was shot dead 19th May, 1841 ;
he had been a merchant in early life, and becoming involved with his tenants
in questions of punctuality and arrears, evictions resulted. Philip Maguire,
of Toorin, was shot at his own door in November, 1835, by a tenant whose
crops he had distrained. Towards the end of 1838 Lord Norbury evicted
some tenants, and others were served with notice to quit. On 1st January,
[839, while walking in his park, Durrow Abbey, in company with his steward,
he was shot The following August, Daniel Byrne was shot near Temple-
tuohy for evicting a tenant William Roe, of Rockwell, was shot 2nd October,
1847, by a tenant whom he had evicted the previous month. Indeed,
throughout this awful time there were few landlords or agents who had not
been under fire. Avery Jordan, a Tipperary land agent, stated at the
Devon Commission " There were a few shots fired into my own house very
lately, but there was nobody shot ; we do not mind these little trifles " (00).
Lenigan, Bayley, Stoney, Smith, Drought, Dunn, Long, Lee, and several
others were fired at, some of them more than once. Perhaps the case which

(mm) Devon Digest. II., 1163.

(nn) Cooper was agent for the Erasmus Smith Trustees, and had just evicted several tenants.
Weyland had evicted a man named William Kyan from a farm of 19 acres for which he paid ^^45
rent. It would appear from the evidence that Ryan was only in arrears for £1$ when evicted.
William Walsh and Cornelius Hickey were tried by Special Commission for the murder and
hanged.

(00) Devon Digest. II., p. 347.

History oIf Clonmel. 209

attracted most attention was that known as the "Holy Cross Murders."
Richard Chadwick, agent for the Sadleir estate, was a man of fearless
resolution, who often professed he had "fattened on the curses of the
tenants " fpp). As a preliminary to clearing from the lands of Rathcannon a
body of tenantry who bore a desperate reputation, he set about building
a police barrack. On 30th June, 1827, while inspecting the work, he was
shot by a young man named Patrick Grace. Grace, who was tried at the
Clonmel Summer Assizes, when asked why capital sentence should not be
passed upon him, declared that his death should be avenged within a twelve
month. At the execution of Grace, in front of Holy Cross Abbey, an old
man, John Russell, pulling on a pair of Grace's gloves, announced he should
wear them "until Paddy Grace was revenged." The authorities removed
Philip Mara, a mason, who had been principal witness against Grace, but on
1st October following, three brothers of Mara, who were working at the
barrack, were attacked by a body of men. Two of the Maras, though
wounded, escaped, the third was shot fqq).

If the evicting landlord or agent was a doomed man, the fate which
awaited those who took the vacant holdings was more inevitable still. "It
appears," said the Devon Commissioners, " that vengeance is more frequently
directed against the incoming tenant than against the landlord or agent"
In 1826, John Barry became tenant of Ballyneety, near Ardfinnan, from
which a family named Lonergan had been evicted. Sunday, ilth February,
1827, Barry was murdered in his own parlour, and on the 9th of April
following, five men were hanged on Ardfinnan Green for the murder. Three
brothers named Kinnealy who had similarly taken a farm at Outrath, near
Cahir, were shot dead while sitting at supper one evening. But amid the
annals of assassination, one case stands out beyond all others in awful
prominence — "the burning of the Sheas." William Gorman had been
evicted by Patrick Shea from a small holding at Tubber, on the slope of
Slievenamon. A lease existed, but being unstamped. Shea took advantage
of the fact and entered into possession of the holding. Bidding defiance to
his hostile neighbours he formed for defence a party of his family and
kinsfolk, all well armed. On the night of the 19th November, 1821, a body
of men, commanded by a desperado named Maher, surrounded the house.
In spite of shots fired by the Sheas, they contrived to place a heap of straw
and brushwood against the thatch. As the house caught fire, several of the
inmates trying to escape, were mercilessly shot down, and the following

(Pp) Shiel's Personal Sketches.

(qq) Reward of j£2,ooo was offered for the apprehension of the murderers of Daniel Mara, and
ultimately some evidence was obtained by accident, and four men hanged.

210 History of Clonmel.

morning nothing was to be seen of the fabric and its sixteen occupants but a
smoking ruin. Close to the door of the kitchen was a tub filled with water,
and beside the tub the charred remains of a woman. Floating in tfee water
was the body of a new-born infant, the head having been burnt away.

In truth the code of humanity, as of morals, was suspended in this
internecine struggle. If the landlords, with inhuman indifference to the
sufferings of the people, enforced to the utmost limit, every right the law
gave them, the people on the other hand applauded and encouraged any act
of vengeance, however savage. " They believe," said a witness at the Devon
Commission, " their own interests are bound up in the cause of the parties
committing these murders. They sympathize with those who strive to
protect them — to oppose the landlord, I should say." One Glissan, who
had taken some lands at Lissahoney, was murdered on Easter Sunday
morning in the midst of a body of people going to mass. The priest
denounced the crime. " I heard," said a witness, " some of them declare it
was a pity they did not shoot the priest himself — how dare he interfere " frrj.
The assassin was occasionally hired for the work, just as the Sheriff would
employ the common hangman. More often some desperate character set
himself up as a public avenger of wrongs, and shot agents, bailiffs, incoming
tenants, safe in the support and shelter of the people. On 3rd of May, 1838,
two men named Cronen and Guiry shot John Keeffe, an owner of property at
Modeligo. They had no connection whatever with Keeffe, and did not even
know his appearance, but at the previous fair in Clonmel they had under-
taken to murder him, on condition that Henry Pedder, of Clonmel, who had
evicted them, should be assassinated by two of Keeffe's evicted tenants.

The law, too, was paralysed ; the tenants had come to regard it as their
enemy ; the landlords as their weapon. Even though (as sometimes happened)
the landlord assassinated was a humane and generous man, no one would aid
the Crown or come forward to prosecute fss). Cahill, Crown Prosecutor for
Tipperary, stated in 1845 that " any party giving evidence is looked upon as
an enemy of the general class to which he belongs " ftt). " Odium," wrote a
Tipperary landlord, " is attached not only to parties appearing as Crown
witnesses, but to their relations, connections and friends to a very remote
degree; and the being branded with the epithet Informer is looked on
as being far more derogatory than that of Murderer or Robber*^ (uu).

(rr) Devon Digest. I., p. 362.

(ss) Popular tradition has always e.g., condemned the murderers of Maguire of Toorin and
Callaghan-Ryan. Yet in either case conviction was obtained only with difficulty and by accident.
(U) Devon Digest. I., p. 349.
(uu) Present State of Tipperary, by a Magistrate. Dublin 1842, p. 14.

History of Clonmel. 211

Furthermore, no tenant on a jury would convict, however clear the evidence.
On the pther hand, any attempt made by the Executive to frame an independent
panel, was at once stopped by landlord clamour. In 1838 the indiscriminate
challenge exercised by the law officers of the Crown, was restricted, directions
been given " that no man shall be objected to merely on the ground of his
religion or politics." The Tipperary landlords scared by some recent
murders, met together and sent a fierce protest Drummond, the Under
Secretary, replied, and incidentally used words which for many years were
the tocsin of battle in and out of parliament

Property has its duties as well as its rights ; to the neglect of those duties in times
past is mainly to be ascribed that diseased state of society in which such crimes take
their rise; and it is not in the enactment or enforcement of statutes of extraordinary
severity, but chiefly in the better and more faithful performance of those duties, and in
the more enlightened and humane exercise of those rights that a permanent remedy for
such disorders is to be sought (w).

The utter make-believe to which trial by jury was reduced, may be
illustrated by the case of Patrick Burns charged with the murder of Robert
Hall, of Ballygurteen. Tried first at the Nenagh Spring Assizes, 1842, the
jury (an exclusively Protestant one) disagreed, eleven, according to one
account, being for acquittal (ww). Four months later, 29th June, 1 842, he was
again put forward at the Clonmel Special Commission, and on precisely the
same evidence, was convicted, and subsequently hanged. If the evidence
obtainable against accused persons was scant and unsatisfactory, the jury of
landlords was easily convinced, and as a consequence, there were, not
unfrequently, appalling miscarriages of justice. Four of the five men hanged
at Ardfinnan for the Barry murder — ^James Byrne, Philip Lonergan, Thomas
Bryan, and John Green — ^were beyond question innocent (xxj. The Crown
prosecutors of the day used draw a lurid picture of the assassin, with levelled
musket, lying in wait for his unsuspecting victim. The future historian will
paint a still more ghastly one — a wretched creature put to death under the
forms of law — tried by men with whom he and his fellows were engaged
in a struggle for very existence; by men antagonistic to him in race, sentiment

(w) Thpmas Drummond to the Earl of Donoughmore, Dublin Castle, 22nd May, 1838.— Life of
Drummond, ST O'Brien, p. 284.

fynv) Present State of Tipperary, etc., p. 16.

(xx) The case against them was substantially the identification by Barry's wife. Yet it is hardly
credible that at five o'clock on a winter evening, a panic-stricken woman with no previous acquaintance,
could unmistakably identify every member of the party. The fifth, John Lonergan, confessed the
crime at the place of execution and exculpated the others ; local tradition has always asserted their
innocence.

212 History of Clonmel.

and creed ; sentenced too by a judge often hostile, always partisan, who
assured him that after calm deliberation he had been found guilty by " a jury
of his peers " (yy).

But the tales of horror recounted at each assizes in Clonmel, have faded
from the memory of men. The social ulcers have healed, and the misery
and degradation .in which outrages originated, are matters of history. In
probably no country of Europe, has there been, within the past half century,
so great improvement in the condition of the people at large. And in the
town, whose story has been told in these pages, it is safe to say that at
no time during the seven centuries of its existence, has there been as high an
average of comfort and of civilization (zz).

(yy) The following, for example, was Ihe juiy impaiinelled to try John Loiiergaii for the murder
of William Roe, of Rockwell: — Richard S. Manseragh, Simon Lowe, Richard Phillips, John Going,
William H. Briscoe, James Archer Butler, Samuel Perry, Henry C. White, John Russell, Thomas
Sadleir, Thomas P. Lloyd, James P. Birch.

In September, 1848, Delane, of the Timcs^ was on a visit to Bernal Osborne at Newtown
Anner. He met his reporters, Nicholls and Russell, who had come to Clonmel for the Special
Commission which was to try Smith O'Brien, Meagher and McManus. " It's useless," said Delane,
" talking of the loyalty or disloyalty of the people! They are all against us! They do not like our
laws, our ways, or anything that is ours! But the government and landowners, supported by the
police and the army, can always deal with insurrection, and to-morrow the jury will be quite safe,*' —
Reminiscences of W. H. RUssell, War Correspondent at the Crimea, etc.

(zz) A few dates of events unconnected with the general narrative may be given here. 1824,
19th October, Clonmel first lighted with gas by the London Gas Company. The 130 lamps cost
;^3 17s. 6d. each. A local gas company was formed in 1843, the two amalgamating in 1850. On
31st August, 1827, a meeting of the traders was held to promote the Waterford and Limerick Rail-
way. 1838, 31st January, a committee was formed to raise ;£'i,5oo in ^^50 debentures, for the
purpose of erecting the Tipperary County Club buildings. 1845, 2nd April, Charles Bianconi laid
the first stone of the Mechanics Institute.

IM-
PART THI SECOND.

CORPORATION OF CLONMEL.

CHE growth of the municipal liberties between the thirteenth and the
seventeenth centuries, has been described in Chapter 11. But the
manor, out of which the municipality was developed, still continued
though many of the manorial rights fell into abeyance. As the
town lay, in fact if not in law, within the Ormond palatinate, the rival
Desmonds who were lords of the manor from 1346 onward were unable to
exercise these rights personally or by their seneschal. When the final
struggle between the houses took place in the reign of Elizabeth, Desmond
in a statement to that queen in 1572 set forth what his claims were.

The chief rent of Clonmell, the Earls manor court there (a), with certain tenements
and the Mill and Bakehouse of the same, which hath for custome and usage time out
of mind that all kinde of malt ground to make sale ale, must be ground in the said
Mill or else forfeited, without the millers dispense therewith ; and the like for baking
of sale bread out of the said Earls Bakehouse.

The fines and Earls silver of the said town.

A Court to be kept there by the Earls Portreeve once every fortnight ; where no
plea is holden above lOs. I^d. for every which plea is due to the steward of the said
Court 3d for every bloodshed I2d. whereof 8d. is due to the steward and to the Portreeve
for the tyme being 4d Also if any be convicted by order of the said Court and so
committed to waid, the same party making escape he doth forfeit £5 totiens quotiens.
There is ioyned to the said Earl's Court, of demesne lands one piowland,; a fishing
weir, the fishing of the pool beside the. Bridge, two parcells of land in the mountain of
Barre Makinge [Barravaukeen] and Knocknerilhe [Knockanearla] which is in the Earl
of Ormond's hands (h).

(a) Probably the aiicieiit castle in the middle of the High Street before described.

(h) State Papers, Elizabeth. An inquisition held at Carrick, 2nd April, 1608, before Sir Nicholas
Walsh, found that Walter Lawless (as trustee for the Earl of Ormond) was seized in fee of inter alia
"the manor of Clonmel, consisting of the manor house with its appurtenances; a water mill; a
weir for fishing; a bakehouse at which all those of the town of Clonmel that make sale bread
are for to bake as they were auntiently accustomed; the chief rent of ;f 13 6s. 8d. Irish yearly from

History of Clonmel. 215

The following is a list of the various patents relating to the town,
which are of record.

1. Grant of a yearly fair at Clonmel to Richard De Burgh, on the Vigil of All
Saints and seven following days.— 30 July, 9 Hen. III. (1225).

2. Grant of a yearly fair in the manor of Clonmel to Richard De Burgh, to be held
on the Vigil and Feast of St. Magdalen and six following days, the grant of the former
fair being annulled— 3 Sept., 26 Hen. III. (1242).

3. Grant of tolls for ten years to the bailiffs and good men of Clonmel. — 8 April,
26 Ed. I. (1298).

4. Writ to supersede certain actions against the burgesses of Clonmel, which actions
were commenced in contempt of the manor court. — 10 October, 27 Ed. I. (1299).

5. Pardon of amercement to the provost and commonalty.— February li, Ed. 11.
(1317).

6. Grant of murage for seven years to the provost, bailiffs and good men of
ClonmeL— October 13, Ed. II. (1319).

7. Grant of murage for eight years to the burgesses and commonalty.— 12 January,
29 Ed. III. (1355).

8. Grant of murage for ten years to burgesses and commonalty.— 12 July, 38 Ed. III.
(1364).

9. Grant of license to elect a sovereign. — 20 January, 45 Ed. III. (1371).

10. Grant of exemption from purveyance and pre-emption.— 12 July, 50 Ed. IIL
(1376).

11. Grant by James le Botiller, Earl of Ormond and lord of the Palatinate, to the
burgesses and commonalty, that their taxes should be rateably assessed by themselves,
that they should be exempted from juries, etc, outside the borough and that they
should have the office of the market.— 9 Ric. 11. (1385).

12. Grant of murage for thirty years to the provost, bailiffs and good men of
Clonmel.— 26 January, 10 Hen. IV. (1408).

13. Grant that the sovereign and commonalty should not be burthened with taxes
against their will, that they should not be compelled to appear before seneschals out of
their liberty, that they have power to sue and be sued before the provost, and might
arrest, implead and imprison.— 22 February, 6 Hen. V. (1418).

14. Grant confirming preceding by James le Botiller.— 30 January, 9 Hen. V. (1421).

15. Inspeximus of foregoing by Thomas le Botiller, Earl of Ormond. — 19 June,
16 Hen. VII. (1506).

16. Charter of incorporation of Clonmel. — 5 July, 6 Jas. I. (1608).

17. Exemplification of foregoing.— 14 June, 14 Chas. II. (1662).

18. New charter of incorporation.— 7 December, 3 Jas. II. (1687).

19. Exemplification of charter of 6 Jas. I.— 6 William III. fl6gs).

20. Grant of ten monthly fairs to John Bagwell, Esq., of Marlfield— 22 February,
54 Geo. IIL (1814).

As an example of the murage grants the following translation of the
earliest (April 8th, 26 Ed. L) is given in extenso.

The King at the instance of Otto de Grandison grants for ten years to the bailiffs
and good men of Clonmel, for the greater security of the neighbourhood, the following

the burgesses of Clonmel which said manor is holden from the King in cheefe but by what tenure
or service, jurors know not." When the acts of parliament 7 William III. (Irish), 8 and 9, 12 and 13
William III. (English), were passed enabling the Ormond trustees to sell or lease estates in order to
pay the debts of the first Duke, the feudal services were reserved in the fee-farm grants. "Henry
Cleare, for example, by deed 20th January, 1702, was bound for certain premises in Mary Street to
do suit and service at the Court Baron of Clonmel when summoned, to resort with his com, grain,
or grist to the mills belonging to the Duke, under a penalty of £$ for every barrel ground elsewhere.
Under the deed of 9th August, 1800, all these feudal rights were supposed to vest in the Bagwell
family as lords of " the lordship, manor or reputed manor of the town of Clonmel."

216 History of Clonmel.

customs to be paid out of native and foreign merchandize, viz. : — From each hogshead
of wine on sale, 2d. ; each dicker of hides, id. ; each crannock of corn of any kind, J^d. ;
each crannock of salt, Hd. ; each crannock of flour, 54d. ; each dicker of goat skins, J^d. ;
each band of iron, J^d. ; each sack of wool, 2d. ; each cow, id. ; each ox, Id. ; each horse
or mare, id. ; each hog, Hd. ; eight two-year olds, id. ; each piece of Irish cloth, J^d.
each cart load of lead, 2d. ; each hundred of wax, I J^d. ; each crannock of wood, 2d. ;
100 lbs. alum, id. ; 200 boards, J^d. ; half a mark's worth of mercery and crockery, J^d. ;
each load of wrought iron, J^d. ; a French mill stone, 5^d. ; an English mill stone, Ji ; a
piece of foreign cloth, id. ; a piece of linen cloth from over seas, J^d. ; a hundred of
canvass, J^d. ; a weight of fat, ^d. ; a ship of the cargo of 400 hogsheads of wine laden
with any kind of merchandize, i6d. ; each ship called * farecost,' 8d. ; skins worth 5s., %d.
At the end of the period of ten years these customs shall cease and be abolished.

By the King himself.

It is instructive to compare this with the latest schedule of tolls extant.

Council Meeting, 2ist December, 1750.

A Dockett of the Fees and Tolls, taken by the Clerk of the Markett of the town of
Clonmell, according to the ancient customs and usages thereof accommodated to
the several Statutes of late made for the weighing of com. : —

1st. For each Bag of Wheat, Peas, Beans and Rye, containing 20 stone, for Toll one
Bag or Measure, commonly called a Winchester Pottle, which is to contain the 6oth part
of 20 stone or One Barrell, which is 4p. lOoz. 4dr., and Toll is to be taken by a sealed
Copper measure, striked close to the rim or edge thereof, and so in proportion for any
lesser quantity.

2nd. For every Bagg of small or English Barley, containing 16 stone, the Bagg
aforesaid, and so in proportion for any lesser quantity.

3nL For each Bagg of Beere Barley, containing 14 stone, the Bagg aforesaid, and
so in proportion for any lesser quantity.

4th. For each Bagg of Oats, containing 13 stone, the Bagg aforesaid, and so
in proportion aforesaid.

5th. For each Barrell of Rapeseed, one Bagg aforesaid, and so in proportion
aforesaid.

6th. For every Bagg or 10 stone of country Malt, not brought in by a ffreeman,
three pence.

7th. For each Barrell of Potatoes, two pence, and so in proportion for any lesser
quantity, but under the value of lOd., one farthing only.

8th. For every Pedler, Hosier, Glover, Britchmaker, Country Butcher, Confectioner,
Earthen or Horn Ware Chapmen, and all others that sell any Ware, and have stalls or
standings in the Markett, for each Markett day three pence.

9th. For all Hawkers, 2d. per Markett day, and for Meat mongers, Gardeners,
Hucksters, and such like that sell in the Markett, one penny per Markett day.

lOth. For any cake of Rough Fat or Tallow, two pence, and for any greater
quantity, one half penny per stone.

nth. For every quarter of a hundred of Butter or Rendered Tallow, one farthing,
and for every cask of said goods, not exceeding two hundred weight of Neate Butter or
Tallow, one penny, and for each cask, exceeding two hundred weight, two pence.

I2th. For each gallon of Honey, one penny, and so in proportion for any
lesser quantity.

13th. For every hundred of Cheese, 2d., and so in proportion for greater or
lesser quantity.

14th. For every Piece of Bandle Cloath, 20 Bandies and upwards, 2d., if under,
one penny.

15th. For every Piece of White or Coloured flFreize or fflannell, containing
20 Bandies and upwards, 2d., and if under, one penny.

l6th. For every stone of wool sold by a Forreigner in the Markett, one penny, and
for each Bagg, sold and delivered in town, 3d.

History of Clonmel. 217

17th. For every horse load of fish, three pence.

l8th. For every Horse, Mare, Gelding, Cow, Ox or Bull, sold in the Fairs,
six pence, on other days, 3d., and for every two year old and yearling, 2d.

19th. For every Calfe or Sheep, id., for every Lamb, J^d., for every Hogg of the
value of 5s. and under, 2d., and from thence to 20s., four pence.

20th. For every Cow, Ox, Bullock, Bull, Steer, Heiffer, or Horse hyde, id., and for
every yearling hyde, J^d.

2lst. For every truckle load of Woodden Ware or Barks, 3d., and for every such
load of Poles, axletrees. Rake, Pyke, Shovell, or Spade handels, or other small ware for
Husbandry uses, 3d., and of stone Cole, i penny.

22nd. For every Salmon sold in the Markett, id.

23rd. For all small Articles or Comodities, of what kind soever, to the value
of one penny out of 20d.

24th. For every Hogshead of Syder, sold and delivered to a Publican, who retails
it again, 3d., but to any Private Gentleman or Housekeeper, who buys for his own
use nothing whether ffree or not.

25th. For every Horse load of New or Sour Milke, from All Hollantide to
May Day, one penny, and from thence, two pence.

26th. For every horse load of ffresh or pickled Oysters, Cured or Dried ffish
or Pickles, three pence.

27th. For every horse load of onions, 3d., Turnips and Roots, id.. Lemons,
Oranges, and other fruits, 3d.

28th. For every Bagg of Soapers ashes, containing about J^ a Bristol Barrell,
three pence, and so in proportion for any other quantity.

29th. No goods of any kind whatsoever brought to Markett, under the value
of five pence, to Pay any Toll, and no small Basket of Eggs, Chickens or other
poultry, to pay any toll.

30th. No Ffreeman to pay any toll for any Gkxxis he buys out of the Town
Liberty's for his own consumption or to be consumed or made use of in any Trade or
Calling he follows in the Town of Clonmell or Libertys thereof. PROVIDED always
that no Ffreeman, under colour of his Ffreedom, pass or ffree any Butter, Com,
or other Goods, or Merchandize whatsoever that shall be bought upon Commission, or
designed for the manufacture or consumption of any Fforreign Markett whatsoever,
whether in this Kingdom or elsewhere. Neither is any Toll to be paid or taken for any
Goods sold by a Ffreeman out of the Libertys to any person when the same are
brought into town, and all Ffreeman's Widdows during their Widdowhood to
have the same benefit of their Husband's Ffreedom as though he were living.

31st. All disputes arising by the collecting of the Toll of the Marketts and Ffairs
of said town to be determined by the Mayor thereof for the time being, agreeable
to the Rates and Directions of this Dockett.

32nd. Nothing else Lyable to pay anything to the Clerk of the Markett
but what is mentioned in this Dockett, and all persons concerned are to pay due
obedience thereto (c).

(c) The following particulars are taken from the Municipal Corporations Report, 1833 : —

Tolls and customs are claimed by the corporation. They formerly produced from j£30o to
j^400 a year, but latterly they have produced only about £iSo.

The toll on corn and tonnage on boats were taken olf altogether, at the suggestion of the
merchants, 20 years ago.

The tolls were formerly leased by the year, but they are not leased now.

The tolls and customs were formerly given to the mayor in lieu of salary ; that is about 30 years
ago, or upwards.

Tolls and customs are levied on every week-day as well as on market days. A great number of
additional persons were formerly employed on fair days, in the collection of the tolls, in consequence
of the opposition to them, and the disposition to evade them by forcing cattle, goods and chattels,
t)oth in and out of the different toll gaps. There has been a great deal of public disturbance in
consequence of the collection of toll. It was, on one occasion, necessary to call out the military
Serious riots very often occur, on account of the collection of customs.

P2

218 History of Clonmel.

From the earliest period it appears that the citizens compounded with
the lord of the manor for the burgage rents by a joint payment. But the
evidence obtainable, points to the fact that the district now known as " the
burgagery" was parcelled out and held by several burghers as absolute
owners. The rest, now called " the commons," was held by all jointly. In
the latter, no more than in the former, were the lands deemed to be held in
trust. If at any time the burghers wished to alienate these lands they might
have done so by common agreement A corporation therefore in the modern
sense, did not exist before the reign of James L In the sixth year of that
reign, a charter was granted which, with the exception of two brief intervals,
regulated the affairs of the town down to the Municipal Reform Act, 1842.

Charter of Clonmel.

James, by the Grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, Ireland,
Introduction King, Defender of the Faith, UNTO all to whom these our Letters shall
of the Grant. ^^^ GREETING. Whereas the town or Borrough of Clonmel, SITUATE
and being in the severale Counties of the Liberties of Tipperary and Water-
ford is an ancient Borough, founded and established from its beginning,
with fforts and walls well fenced, by subjects and faithfull Liege people
of the Crown of England coming from and having its beginning from the
ancient Birth of England, having and enjoying English Laws Habitts and
Manners, AND WHEREAS the Inhabitants of the said Borrough in
times past, have performed commendable services to us and our Progenitors
of England against Rebellious destroyers of the Commonwealth with
the loss of their blood and Lives, AND WHEREAS the said town or
Comendation Borrough is near and contiguous to a most famous river called Shure, having
of the place, annexed to it a haven or Harbour, convenient, fitt and necessary for Trans-
portacon of boates, a high and long Bridge sustained and maintained with
arches, and is also compassed and fortified on every side with turretts
Castles and Forts, for the amendments and repair whereof great and
frequent costs and labours are expended, and at present by ancientness
and want of Inhabitants is worn and consumed : which Inhabitants by reason
of two years plague there do groane, and by reason of the burning of their
houses and edifices, are reduced to great need and poverty — whence it
cometh to pass that the said town is dayly ready to fall to decay unless
we apply our speedy helping hands, AND WHEREAS it appears unto us
that the said town or borrough is a place opportune and very convenient to
entertain our Justices, Comrs. and Army, and in which our Liege subjects
Services heretofore have in their severall ofiices and services with great alacrity of
Done. mind done and exhibitted to us great and faithful services and testimonies

of their faithfuUness, KNOW ye that we the premisses considering, and
willing our grace in this behalf in a bountiful manner, to do and extend to
the Inhabitants of the said Borrough, of our special grace and certain
knowledge and meer motion by the assent of our well beloved and faithful
Sir Arthur Councellor, Arthur Chicester, Knight, our Deputy Generall of our said
Chicester, kingdom of Ireland, as also according to the Intention and Effect of certain
Deputy- Letters Pattents and our Commission under our great scale of the said
Generall. Kingdom of England, made and perfected bearing date at Westminster the
Twentieth day of March in the year of our Reign of England, Ffrance and
Ireland, the fourth, and of Scotland the fortieth, to our said Deputy Generall
directed, and now Inrolled and remaining of Record in the Rolls of our
Chancery of our said Kingdom of Ireland, HAVE GRANTED and by this

History of Clonmel.

210

Created
Corporation.

Mayor &
Bayliffs.

In number
Twenty.

Burgesses
named.

our present Charter, for us, our Heires, and Successors, do give and grant
to the Sovereigns, Provost, Burgesses and Comonalty of the Borrough of
Clonmel afforesaid, or by whatsoever other name the Livers or Inhabitants
of the town or Borough be called, named, or knowne, that the said town or
Borrough of Clonmel, together with the Subbs of ye same in ye whole extent
or space of ground and water in every part, within the ancient limits,
bounds or franchises of ye said town in the several counties of ye liberties
of Tipperary and Waterford, BE HEREAFTER forever, a free Borrough
and Corporacon by itself and that hereafter it be called named and known
by the name of the town or ffree borrough of Clonmel ; and that within ye said
town or Borough there being one body politique and incorporated in itself,
and in that name created and made, and shall consist of the said Livers or
Inhabitants of ye said town and flfreeborrough of one Mayor, two Bayliffs,
ffree burgesses and Comonalty, and that there shall be only twenty ffree
Burgesses in the said town or Borrough, whereof the Mayor and Bayliffs
shall be three, and with that intention that in ye ages to come it may appear
that the said body be Incorporated as now in its beginning it is founded,
and composed of good, lawful and honest persons, OF OUR special grace,
certain knowledge, and meer motion, by the assent aforesaid, for us, our
heires and successors, doe make, constitute and ordaine John White Ffitz
Geffry, Mayor of said town or Borrough of Clonmel, for and during
one whole year, beginning from the feast of Saint Michael ye Arch-
angel next coming, AND we also make, constitute and ordaine by
these presents James White Ffitz Richard and Joseph White Ffitz
Lawrence, BayliflFs of ye said town or Borrough for ye said year, beginning
from the feast of Saint Michael aforesaid, and Pierce Bray, Nicholas White
Ffitz Henry, Patrick White Ffitz Thomas, Thomas Goagh, James White
Ffitz Robert, Richard White, John Bray, Nicholas Wall, Leonard Creagh,
Edmond Wall, Thomas White, Thomas Roche, Nicholas White Ffitz
Thomas, James Daniel, Pierce Bray Ffitz Michael, Mellchior White, and
Benedict White Ffitz Geffry being the best and discreetest men of and in ye
said town or Borrough, we make and constitute ye Burgesses of ye said
town or Borrough, which ffree Burgesses being seventeen together with
the Mayor and Bayliffs for the time being, shall make the comon council of
the town or Borrough aforesaid, and all other persons ffreemen living and
remaining or to remain of or within ye said town or Borrough we make
constitute and ordain to be the Comons or Comonalty of ye town and
Borrough aforesaid, AND further of our more abundant and special grace,
certain knowledge and meer motion, we give, grant and confirm, unto the
said Mayor, Bayliffs Freeburgesses and Comonalty of ye said town or
Borrough of Clonmel that they and their successors, be hereafter forever
one body politique and Incorporated in deed and in name, and they the
aforesaid Mayor, Bayliffs ffree Burgesses and Comonalty and their Successors
in one body Incorporated and politique for ever to remain, WE hereby fully
make, create, establish and unite by these presents that the said Body
Incorporated be forever named and known by the name of Mayor, Bayliffs,
Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of the town or Borrough of Clonmel, and
that by the same they, and their successors forever, be and remain fitt
persons and capable in law to make, contract and receive, all and all manner
of Grants, gifts and concessions and Perquisites as any other body politique,
in any wise, may ; and likewise that they and their successors by ye name
of Mayor Bayliffs Ffree Burgesses and Comonalty of ye said town or
Borough of Clonmel may hold, plead and Implead before us, our Heires
and successors whatsoever, as well spirituall as temporal, in any of our
Courts, our heires or successors or in any other Courts erected or to be
erected, in and of all and all manner of actions reale, personal, and mixed
suits, quarrells and demands against them, or by them in any wise to be
prosecuted or obtained, AND FURTHER of our more plentiful and special

220 History of Clonmel.

grace, certain knowledge and mere motion, we will, and by these presents

for us, our heires and successors, WE GRANT unto the said Mayor,

Election of BayliflFs, Ffree Burgesses and Comonalty and their Successors, that ye said

u^^^ff^"^ Mayor and Bayliffs be forever, annually elective and that the said Ffree

Bayliffs. Burgesses and Comonalty, or ye greatest part of them, every feast of Saint

John the Baptist, yearly at the ThoUsell within ye said town or Borough

aforesaid, at their pleasure may chose of the Ffree Burgesses for ye time

being, one fitt and able person to be their Mayor, and two other persons to

be Bayliffs of ye said Borrough, who severally ye offices aforesaid on ye

feast of Saint Michael ye Archangel then next coming, may assume, and

rule and govern ye Borough aforesaid by ye space of one year then next

following, and that they have a perpetual succession ; and if and as often as

such Mayor, Bayliffs or either of them, within ye said year after such

election so made, shall dye or for want of sound and wise government of ye

town or Borough aforesaid or some crime or other cause, they or either of

them from ye office aforesaid shall be taken away or deposed, then and so

Election in often the Ffree Burgesses and Comonalty aforesaid and. their successors,

case of death, another able person or persons of ye Ffree Burgesses for ye time being, in

Crime, or re- ye place or places of such Mayor, Bayliff, or Bayliffs so dead or removed,

moval within foj. y^ residue of ye said year within ten days next after for the Regulateing

Ten days. ^^^ Governing of ye said Borough, may choose and substitute ; and if any

of the Ffree Burgesses aforesaid shall dye or be removed or disfranchised,

that then ye Mayor and other Ffree Burgesses and Comonalty, or ye greatest

part of them, from time to time may choose and elect another fitt person in

the place of such Ffree Burgesses so dead or removed, and that the said

John White whom by these presents we have made and constituted first

Mayor of the said town or Borrough, may take and receive before the Chief

Baron of our Exchequer forthe time being, or before our Justices of Assizes

in ye said County of the Liberties of Tipperary next assigned, at or upon

the feast of Saint Michael next following the oath following in these wonis :

The Mayor's YOU shall swear faithfully and truly to serve the king and the people of

Oath. this Corporacon during your being Mayor of this Borrough ; you shall not

do, nor consent to ye doing, of anything which may turn to ye damage or

disinherriting of our Lord the King, his heires or lawful successors. You

shall not conceal any treason or unlawful conspiracies against the King's

Majesty, his heires or successors, but endeavour to suppress the offenders

or Practicers, and the same treason to reveal to the King's Deputy or some

of his Majesty's privy Council within this Realm with jdl convenient speed

you can ; you shall do equal right to poor and rich without regard of persons

or reward, and hold and keep this Borough and Town to and for ye King's

Majesty his heirs and successors against all foreign enemies and home bom

Rebels whatsoever, soe help me God. And that the said Mayor, the oath

aforesaid being to him administered in manner and form aforesaid on ye

feast of St. Michael ye Archangel ye next following, you shall give and

Bayliffs administer for us, and in our name, another oath to ye said Bayliffs and

Oath. either of them, which oath followeth in these words, viz., We shall truly

occupy the office of Bayliffs of the Town and franchises of Clonmel for this

year to come, and doe right to ye poor as well as to ye rich in our office,

doing and truly execution do of all that is recovered in our Courts and of

all writs, processes directed to us out of any the kings Courts and suffer no

manner of person to retail within ye said franchises contrary to the

ordinances thereupon made so help us God. AND that every other Mayor

and Bayliffs who for the future shall be chosen for the said Borrough

according to ye tenor of these presents, on ye feast of Saint Michael the

Power in the Archangel next after their election, before the Mayor of the said Borough

succeeding whom the office aforesaid ye year before hath preceded, in ye presence of the

Mayors to freeburgesses and Commons in ye said Borough or the major part of them, in

give the oath, ye Thollsell of ye said Borough shall administer unto, and give unto him and

History of Clonmel.

221

Burgesses
and Freemen
to be sworn .

Recorder .

Recorder's
Oath.

Election of a
Town Clerk.

Election of
one Sword
bearcr& three
Sergeants-at-
Mace.

Inferior
Officers.

Power of
deputing a
Mayor, and
how Sworn.

them respectively, ye oaths above expressed and specified, and that every
free burgess or freeman who by these presents is constituted or hereafter
shall be elected and admitted unto the said franchise of the said Borough
take before ye Mayor and Bayliffs of the said Borough for ye time
being, so many and such oaths which anciently were used and administered
to ye ffree burgesses and ffreemen of the said town or Burrough, AND
FURTHER of our larger special grace, contain knowledge and meer
motion, WE give, and by these presents for us, our heirs and Successors,
doe grant unto the said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffree burgesses & Commons of ye
town or Borough aforesaid that they, and their Successors from time to time
do make, constitute and establish, and from time to time may have, make
and constitute one sufficient and able man, well bred and skilled in the
Laws, to be the Recorder of the said Borrough during their pleasure, or as
long as he shall well behave himself as to them shall please, and that such
Recorder so constituted may from time to time exercise and execute all
offices to a Recorder in any wise belonging or appertaining, and that every
Recorder for the time being shall take the same corporall oath before ye
Mayor of the town or Borough aforesaid for ye time being for ye well
faithful doing and executing ye offices of a Recorder, the tenor whereof
followeth in these words viz., I shall be a true liege man to our Sovereign
Lord the King, his heirs and successors, and true to the (franchises of
the town of Clonmel, and the same maintain with all my wit and power,
and shall truly and faithfully advise the Council, Mayor and Bayliffs of ye
same town in all things concerning the said Corporation, and truly exercise
ye office of Recorder of the said town and all that to the same appertaineth,
so help me God. AND further our will is, and by these presents for us,
our heirs and successors, WE GRANT unto the said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffree
Burgesses and commons of ye Borrough aforesaid that they and their
Successors from time to time do make and constitute one Clerk of ye
Thollsell to exercise do and execute all and singular to ye office of the Clerk
of the Thollsell belonging or appertaining, in as large manner and forme as
ye Clerk of ye Thollsell of our Citty of Waterford the office of the Clerk of
ye Thollsell of ye said Citty doth or may exercise ye said office, as long as
he behaveth himself well in ye said office and not otherwise, AND
MOREOVER of our more abundant grace for us our heirs and successors
by these presents WE GIVE and Grant unto ye said Mayor and Bayliffs
Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of the said Town or Borrough and their
successors full power and authority to name, elect and constitute, one Sword
bearer and three Sergeants-at-Mace within the Borrough aforesaid, and such
and as many other Inferior officers and servants necessary for ye good
government and service of ye said town or Borrough as to ye said Mayor,
Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty for ye time being, shall seem meet.
AND THAT such officers or ministers so chosen and appointed, do perform
before the Mayor of ye said Borrough for ye time being, such respective
corporall oaths as hath been heretofore used in ye said Borrough of Clonmel.
And as often as the Mayor of ye said Borrough for ye time being as well
for the publick good of the said Borrough, as for his own proper and
supernumerary business shall happen to be absent from ye said Borrough
WE GIVE therefore and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors,
to ye said Mayor of the said town or Borrough and his succeeding Mayors,
that they and either of them at their will by the consent of ye Comon
Council of the said Borrough, or the greater part of them. Nominate Depute
Assign one other sufficient ffree person of the Ffreeburgesses of the said
Borrough to bear ye place and stead of Mayor of the said Borrough, during
ye absence of ye said Mayor, AND to doe and execute all things appertaining
to ye said office in as large and ample manner and forme as if he himself
were present. But soe as such person soe assigned and deputed before the
execution of his Deputacon aforesaid, before ye Mayor and Recorder of ye

222

History of Clonmel.

Seales of
Two sorts.

Mayor and
Recorder
Justices of ye
Peace.

Mayor and
Deputy
Escheator
and Coroner
without
account for
the same .

The Bayliffs
power to
execute all
manner of
writts.

said Borrough for ye time being, shall take the said corporall oath to be
performed in manner and forme as by the said Mayor it was to be performed
AND ALSOE of our like special grace we with and by these presents for
us, our heirs and successors, WE GIVE unto the said Mayor, BayliflFs,
Ffreeburgesses, and Comonalty of the said Borrough of Clonmel and their
successors that they have and may have forever one Comon Seale engraven
and carved with such formes and inscription as hitherto they have been
accustomed to and ye sealing of all and singular Writings, Indents, Grants,
Warrants of Attorney, and all Muniments, Hereditaments, and all other
publick matters whatsoever to the said town or Borrough belonging or
concerning, AS ALSOE another seale of office of Mayoralty to be and
remain in ye custody of the said Mayor for the time being to seale all
and singular Testimonies Certificates, Attachments, and Processes
whatsoever, AND FURTHERMORE of our special grace, certain
knowledge and meer motion, we will and by these presents for us, our
heirs and successors, WE GRANT unto the said Mayor, Bayliffs and
Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of the said Borrough of Clonmel and their
Successors that ye Mayor of ye town or Borrough aforesaid for ye time
being, and the Recorder of the same for the time being, be Justices and
keepers of our peace, and either of them be Justice and keeper of our
peace, within the town and Borrough aforesaid and Ffranchises thereof,
and that they may and doe execute all things to ye office of a Justice of ye
Peace belonging or appertaining, AND FURTHER we will, and by these
presents for us, our heirs and Successors, WE GRANT to the said
Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of the Borrough of
Clonmel aforesaid and their Successors that the said Mayor of the said
town or Borrough for ye time being, and his successors Mayors and either
of them, or his deputy in his absence, be Escheator and Coroner and the
heirs and successors of ye Mayors within ye said town and Borrough and
liberties and Ffranchises of ye same forever, and that he exercise and
execute all and singular such things and matters as to ye said offices or either
of them severally do belong or appertain as any other Coroner or Escheator
in any county within our said Kingdom of Ireland lawfully may, ought or
can do for ye future. SOE as no foreign Escheator or Coroner of ours, our
heirs or successors, beside the Mayor of ye said Borrough for ye time being
and his successors, in the said town or Borrough to execute or exercise
ye offices aforesaid or any of them, may enter or either of them enter or
themselves in any thing or wise within ye said town or Borrough Liberties
Ffranchises or Jurisdiction of the same to Intromitt or put in for ye future
AND THAT the said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of
the said Borrough and their Successors forever have and receive to the
publick good of the said Borrough, and in their hands may retain and keep
all and every the profits, comodities, perquisittes and emoluments whatso-
ever to the said offices of Coroner and Escheator, or either of them belonging
or appertaining, or thereout in any wise arising or growing without any
account therefore or thereout unto us, our heirs or successors, to be
rendered ; and furthermore of our more abundant and special grace we
grant, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, WE GIVE
AND GRANT unto the said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty
of ye said town and Borrough and their successors forever, that the said
Bayliffs of the said town or Borrough for ye time being, and their successors
for ever, have the absolute execution and return of all and singular Writts,
Mandates, Precepts, Summons, Attachments, Warrants and Bills of our
heirs and successors, and of ye summons, attachments, Distresses and all
other processes within ye said town or Borrough and the Ffranchises thereof,
before us our heirs and successors in our Chancery or before us in our
chief place, or before our Justices of the Common pleas assigned, or any
other our Justices or of our heirs and successors of our said kingdom of

History of Clonmel.

Ireland to be held, to be returned as well at our suite, our heirs and
successors, as at the suite of any other person or persons whatsoever to be
prosecuted and returned ; so as noe Sherriffe, Bayliffs or other officer or
Minister of ours, our heirs or successors, into the town or Borrough for ye
executing or returning any Writt, Summons, Warrants, Mandate, Attach-
ment or other process may enter, unless by the defect of the said BayliflFs
of the said town or Borrough for ye time being, or their successors, WE
GIVE further and by these for us, our heirs and successors, we grant unto
the said Mayor, Bayliffs, and Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of the town or
Borrough aforesaid, that they may call together assemblies or meetings at
Power of as many times in the year as they please, in the Guild hall or ThoUsell of ye
assembling said Borrough for ye benefitt, advantage, and profit of the said Borrough,
to make bye- and ye Liberties, Ffranchises and Jurisdiction of the same, to consult and
laws. then and there all such acts, ordinances, lawfull and wholesome statutes for

the publick good and sound government of the said Borrough and Ffran-
chises thereof, lawfully and without punishment, to ordaine, establish and
make, such as shall not be contrary and repugnant to the laws and statutes
of this our kingdom of Ireland, AND if any of the Ffreeburgesses or Comons
of the said Borrough shall violate, or break or refuse to fulfill the said
statutes and ordinances, so enacted and ordained, that then it shall be lawfull
Punishment ^or Y^ said Mayor of ye said Borrough of Clonmel, and his successors for
of the Of- the time being, to distrain the goods and chatties of ye said Ffreeburgesses
fenders of or Comons, or either of them, so offending against the fforme and effect of
such Laws, the Statutes or ordinances aforesaid and if they have not sufficient distress
by them, THAT then it may be lawful for ye said Mayor and his successors
to arrest. Imprison and in safe custody to keep such transgressors and
delinquents until they give full satisfaction of the fines and amerciaments
upon them, or either of them impost AND FURTHER we will and by
these presents for us, our heirs and successors, we grant unto the said
Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses and Comons of the said Borrough and their
successors forever that they may have a certain Guild of Merchants, and a
Guild Hall to the same belonging, within the said Borrough, AND that
no foreign or strange Merchant or any other whosoever who is not of their
Power of Guild aforesaid, may have or occupy or in any wise retail, sell or buy any
raising Guild Merchandices, Mercimonies or wares of what kind or sort soever they be.
Halls and for- within the Borrough aforesaid or the Ffranchises, Burgagery or Liberties
feiture upon thereof, without the special lycence of ye said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses
strangers. and Comonalty aforesaid, under the forfeiture of all and singular the
Mercimonies and wares so bought, had, occupied, or sold within the Borrough
or Ffranchises, Burgagery or Liberties thereof without the special Lycence
as aforesaid, unless such Merchandizes or Mercimonies be sold or bought
by foreigners strangers on ye markets or markett days at the hour and
place accustomed which forfeitures to ye said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses
and Comonalty their successors for us our heirs and successors WE give
and grant by these presents forever ; and further of our like special grace
we will and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, WE GRANT
to ye said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of ye said town and
Borrough that they and their Successors may divide, distinguish themselves
into severall Guilds or fratemitys according to their severall conditions,
arts and misteries and that every Guild have and may use one distinct
Ensign, in token and note of distinction of Ffratemity and their Mystery
or Trade, and that each Guild have and build one distinct hall or place
More Guilds convenient within ye said Borrough where ye brethern of such Guild may
if need gather themselves, and also that every Guild or Fraternity yearly forever

required. may elect, chose and constitute to itself one Warden or Master being one of
the same Ffratemity who may exercise the office of Master or Warden for
one entire year and noe more, and further of more ample special grace,
certain knowledge and meer motion we give by these presents for us, our

224

History of Clonmel.

Mayor's
Court weekly
on Wednes-
days.

Prison .

Pines and
Perquisites.

TwoMarketts
a week Pye-
powder Court

heirs and successors, WE GRANT unto ye said Mayor Bayliffs, Ffree-
burgesses and Comonalty of ye said Borrough and town of Clonmel and
their successors forever that the said Mayor, and Bayliffs for ye time being
and their successors have and may have and hold twice in each year forever
one Court Leet or view of ffrank pledge within ye said town or Borrough
and Ffranchises of ye same by the Recorder of the said town or Burrough
or his sufficient Deputy for ye time being according to the laws and
customs of our kingdom of England or Ireland to be kept forever and all
things to ye said Court Leet or View of ffrank pledge belonging or
appertaining, AND FURTHER we will and by these presents for us, our
heirs and successors, we grant to ye said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses
and Comons of ye said Borrough for ye time being, that they and their
successors have and may have and hold another Court within ye said
town or Borrough and ffranchises of ye same every Wednesday in every
week forever before ye Mayor and Bayliffs of ye said town or Borrough
for ye time being, and that in ye same Court they have full power and
jurisdiction of knowing, hearing, and determining all and all manner of
actions as well real as personal and Mixt suites, quarrells and demands of
all and singular Lands, Tenements, Debts, Detentions, Trespasses, Attempts,
Contracts, Deceyts, Replevies and of old and anciently contracted causes
of demand of any matter whatsoever, to what sum soever they amount,
attain or arise, within ye said town and Borrough and Ffranchises of ye
same and not elsewhere being, arising or happening, and that the said
Mayor and Bayliffs of the town or Borrough aforesaid for ye time being
have full power and authority to hold, hear, and determine ye said pleas
and quarrells according to the due forme of law, and of proceeding to
judgment upon the same and making execution thereupon according to the
laws and customs of our Kingdom of England or Ireland, and that the Courts
aforesaid, and each and every of them, be reputed Courts or Court of Record,
AND further of our larger Grace we will, and by these presents for us,
our heirs and successors, we grant to ye said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses
and Comonalty of the said Borrough or town and their successors that
they build or cause to be built one strong sufficient Goall or Prison
within the said town or Borrough and ffranchises of the same and that the
Bayliffs of the said Borrough for ye time being forever have the custody and
keeping of the said Goall and of all and singular the Prisoners in the same
from time to time by the said Mayor and BayliflFs for ye time being imprisoned
or to be imprisoned, WEE also give and by this our present Charter
for us our heirs and successors grant to ye said Mayor, Bayliffs,
Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of ye said town or Borrough aforesaid that
they and their successors forever have, and for themselves may detain and
keep all and all manner of ffines. Issues, Forfeitures, Amerciaments, in ye
Courts or either of them as often as ye same is offered or imposed together
with all and singular other perquisites, profitts, Comodities, and Emoluments
to ye said Court belonging or appertaining or any wise thereout arising or
issuing, for ye better maintaining and sustaining of ye town and Borrough
aforesaid, without making or rendering unto us our heirs or successors
any accounts of ye same, and moreover by this our present Charter for us,
our heirs and successors. We grant and confirm unto the said Mayor,
Bayliffs, FfreeBurgesses and Comonalty of ye said town or Borrough for ye
time being that they and their successors forever have and keep and may
have and keep two several marketts in some convenient place within ye said
town or Borrough in every week forever (that is to say) one markett on
Tuesday and another on Saturday in every week, to be held forever together
with a Pyepowder Court there during ye said Marketts and with all and all
manner of Liberties and ffree customs, profitts, Comodities, advantages and
emoluments whatsoever to such a Court in any manner belonging or
appertaining or any wise arising or issuing, without accounting for ye same

History of Clonmel.

225

Exemption
from all
Juries.

Noe

Strangers or
Foreigner be
of ye Town
Juries.

To wear such
habits.

Mayor to
have 4d. per
ton out of
every Boat,
&c.

Bridge
Monev.

to US our heirs or successors, so as the said marketts be not to ye damage or
hurt of other marketts and that ye said Mayor of the said town of Clonmel
for ye time being and his successors forever successively be the Clerk and
Master of ye Say within ye town and Borrough aforesaid and the Ffranchises
of ye same and have have ye assize of Bread, Wine and Beer, and the cor-
rection and amendment of ye same from time to time, and have full power
and authority of exercising and executing ye office of Clerk of ye Marketts
or Master of ye Say within ye town or Borrough aforesaid, and of all other
matters to ye said office belonging or to them or either of them appertaining,
soe as noe other Clerk of ye Marketts or Master of ye Sayes of us our heirs
or successors within ye town or borrough s^oresaid or ye Liberties thereof
for ye future, may enter for ye exercising the office of ye Clerk of Marketts
or Master of ye Sayes or in any wise Interpose or Intermeddle with the
office aforesaid. AND further of our special Grace, certain knowledge and
meer motion, we will and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors,
WE give and grant unto ye said Mayor, BayliflFs, Ffreeburgesses and
Comonalty of ye said town or Borrough, and their successors, that neither
they nor any of them may not be putt in any Recognizances, Juries of
Assizes, or Inquisitions whatsoever to be taken upon any matter, thing,
cause or matter of trespass or Contract whatsoever out of the said town and
Borrough and Ffranchises thereof; nor that noe stranger or foreigner who
are not of the town and Borrough afforesaid be putt upon any Juries,
Recognizances, Assizes, or Inquisitions to be taken upon any thing, matter
or cause whatsoever within ye said town or Borrough or ffranchises
thereof made, happened or being, but that ail and singular Inquisitions,
Recognizances, Juries and Assizes for the future to be returned, summoned
or arraigned upon any thing, cause or matter within the town or borrough
afforesaid or the ffranchises thereof made, being or happening, shall consist
of good, fitt and able men of ye said town or Borrough alone, without any
foreigner or stranger to be sworn with them or returned (tho' he or they
have or hath some Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments in some place or
country without ye said town or Borrough), AND further of our special
grace we will, and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, WE
grant to ye said Mayor of the said town or Borrough and his successors that
he ye said Mayor for ye time being, and his successors forever, may wear
such habit. Ensign, Garment or Ornament whatsoever as the Mayor of our
city of Waterford for the time, did wear or hereafter shall or ought to wear
by virtue of any Charter, Gift, Grant, Confirmation, Custom, Prescription,
Use, or any other Legall way whatsoever, AND further of our like special
grace we give and by these presents for us, our heirs and successors, doe
grant to ye said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of ye
Borrough Afforesaid (as much as in us lyeth) that they hold and enjoy for
themselves and their successors forever one Key in ye said town or Borrough
of Clonmel upon ye Bank or Shore of the River Shure, and that they have
and receive of every Barque, Boate or Bargess coming and drawing near ye
said Key to load or unload. Import or Export any things or Merchandizes,
for Key age for ye better maintaining the Key aforesaid, for every ton weight
the said Barque, Boates, or Bargess will import to ye said Key, or from ye
said Key will export, load or unload, four pence current money of England,
and according to the said rate for more or less, and that they the said Mayor,
Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of ye said Borrough and their
successors forever, have and receive Pontage or Bridge Money of ye said
Borrough in as ample Custom Manner and Fforme as the Sovereign,
Provosts, Burgesses and Comonalty of the said Borrough anciently have or
had received or used to have and receive, without Impediment, Hindrance
or Molestacon of us our heirs or successors or any officers or Ministers of ours
whatsoever, AND moreover of our more abundant grace we give and by these
presents for us, our heirs and successors, we grant (as much as in us lyeth)

226

History of Clonmel.

Freedom of
Duty of all
ports of the
Kingdom.

ye Advowson
&c. Ffreedoin
of Mannors
to ;f 20 a
year above
reprises.

Wayfes and
Stravs.

Rent Ten
Shillings
Irish.

Saving.

to the Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of ye said town or
Borrough and their successors that all their Goods, Chatties and Merchandizes
be quitt and free forever of all Toll, halting or loading. Murage, Bridge money
Passage, Stalage or Standing, Keyage, Cranage or Wharfage, in all and
singular Citties, Borroughs, Towns, Ports, Creeks, Waters, Ffayers,
Marketts, and in all other places whatsoever, in and throughout all our
Kingdoms and Dominions soever, in as large and ample manner as the
Burgesses of our town of Kilkenny are or in any way or manner ought to
be. And further of our more plentifull grace, certain knowledge and
meer motion, WE give and for us, our heirs and successors, doe grant
unto ye said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of the said
town or Borrough of Clonmel and their successors, full power, Lycence and
Authority of holding their Mannors, Messuages, Lands, Tenements, Rents,
Reversions, Services, Advowson of Churches, Chappels or Hereditaments
after what manner soever they be held of us our heirs or successors,
whether they arise in chief or otherwise by knight Service, to attain and
acquire ye same to the clear yearly value of Twenty pounds lawfuU money
of England above all reprises by one or more our grant or grants,
Ffeoffmts., Ffine, or Recovery or otherwise TO HAVE AND TO HOLD
to ye said Mayor, BayliflFs, Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of the said
Town and their successors forever, notwithstanding any Statute, Act,
Ordinance, Provision or Restriction of Lands or Tenements made, had, or
provided to ye contrary or any other matter, thing or cause to the
contrary, notwithstanding, AND further we and by these presents for us
our heirs and successors we grant to ye said Mayor, BayliflFs, Ffreeburgesses,
and Comonalty of the said Town or Borrough and their Successors, all
and singular goods and chatties that are wayfes and strayes within ye
said town or shall appear within ye same or the liberties or presincts
thereof, without account thereof to be given us our heirs or successors,
and further of our more abundant and special grace, certain knowledge and
meer motion, we give and grant, and by these presents for us, our heirs
and successors, WE give, grant and confirm unto the said Mayor, BayliflFs,
Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of the said town or Borrough of Clonmel and
their successors, that they and their successors may have, enjoy and possess
freely, quietly, honourably, and in peace (as much as in us lyeth) all and
singular the lands, tenements, houses, messuages. Tofts, Mills, Dovehouses,
Gardens, Orchards, Ffields, Meadows, Pastures, woods, underwoods, Water-
courses, waters, Rivers, Rivuletts and all Hereditaments whatsoever which
are of ye old Burgagery of ye said Borrough or town aforesaid and which
heretofore ye sovereign. Provost, Burgesses, and Comonalty of ye said
town aforesaid or their predicessor. Inhabitants, Dwellers, or Comonalty of
the same by the name of Sovereign, Burgesses or Comonalty, or by
another name whatsoever, had possessed or enjoyed ; to be held from us
our heirs and successors in flFree Burgagery, rendering and yielding there-
out yearly to us our heirs and successors at ye Receipt of our Exchequer,
or to the hands of our Vice Treasurer or Generall Receiver of us, our
heirs and successors of our said Kingdom of Ireland for the time being,
Ten Shillings Current Money of Ireland att ye Ffeasts of St. Michael the
Archangel and Easter by equal portions yearly to be paid SAVING
ALWAYS, and this our Grant altogether reserving the right. Title and
Interest of all and singular our subjects to the premisses or any parte
thereof (any thing in these presents specified to ye contrary notwith-
standing), AND further of our fuller grace we will, and by these presents
for us, our heirs and successors, give and grant unto the said Mayor,
Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses and Comonalty of ye said town or Borrough
and their successors forever that these our letters Patents and all
and singular the Articles, Gifts, Grants and Privileges, Franchises, Liberties,
Immunities, Jurisdictions, Authorities, and all other things whatsoever,

History of Clonmel. 227

before Justices, Commissioners or other our officers or Ministers
our heirs or successors, and to ye most and greatest advantage and
benefitt of ye said Mayor, Bayliffs, Ffreeburgesses, and Comonalty of ye
town or Borrough and their successors, against us our heirs and successors,
be and may be interpretted, expounded, understood and adjudged soe that
the express mention of the annuall value or of the certainty of the
premisses or of other Gifts or Grants by us or any of our progenitors
or predecessors hitherto made and perfected to ye said Mayor, Bayliffs,
Ffreeburgesses and Comons of ye said Town, in these presents in no
wise may be made (Any Statute, Ordinance or Provisoe or any other thing
Cause, or matter to ye contrary in any wise notwithstanding) in Testimony
of which we have caused these our Letters to be made Patents our said
Eteputy Generall of our said Kingdom of Ireland at Dublin ye fifth day of
July in ye year of our Reign of England, France and Ireland the Sixth and
of Scotland ye fort3rfirst (d).

This charter was in some essential particulars altered by the "New
Rules " made by Lord Essex, 23rd September, 1672. These rules gave legal
sanction to the CromwelHan settlement of the municipalities, as the Act of
17 and 18 Chas. IL, chap. 2, had previously sanctioned the settlement of the
land. The rules briefly were : —

1. The name of each person elected mayor, bailiff, recorder, burgess and
town clerk, shall be submitted to the Lord Lieutenant and Council for
approval, and no person shall be capable of serving in these offices until
such approval is obtained.

2. No person shall be capable of holding or executing said offices until
he shall have taken in addition to the usual oaths, the oath of supremacy,
2nd Elizabeth — " I, A.R, doe utterly testif e and declare in my conscience
that the King's highnesse is the onely supreame governour of this realme,
as well in all spirituall or ecclesiasticall things or causes, as temporall, and
that no foreine prince, prelate, etc., hath or ought to have, any jurisdiction,
power or authoritie, ecclesiasticall or spirituall within this realme," etc.

3. All foreigners and aliens, as well others as Protestants, who are
merchants, traders, artisans, skilled in any trade or in any manufacture, who
shall come into the town with intent to reside, shall upon their request, and
payment of twenty shillings fine, be admitted freemen of the town.

CORPORATE Officers.
The names of the members of the town council in 1608 and 1687, have
been already mentioned in connection with the charters granted in these
years. The following are lists of the council at important epochs ; the first
and second are the members in the beginning and end of the Ascendancy
period; the third is the corporation elected under the Reform Act, 1842; the
fourth, the existing one.

(d) The translation of the Latin charter was made from the " Exemplification " of 1662, and
probably at that date»

228

HISTORY OF CLONMEL.

I695.
Mayor — John Moore, Esq.
Recorder — Anthony Suxbury, Esq.

I Thomas Mokes.
Bailiffs— \yf.^^^^^^ Craddock.

Burgesses.

Richard Whitehand.
Richard Tengan.
Stephen Moore.
John Henbury.
Richard Pecket.
Thomas Osborne.
John West.
Francis Rabone.

Thomas Hopkins.
Redmond Vynn.
Thomas Cieere.
Thomas Balfe.
Stephen Haniy.
Charles Aicock.
John Warburton Spencer.
Hercules Beere.

1839.

Mayor — William Henry Riall, Esq.
Recorder — Richard Pennefather, Esq.

I James Douglas.
^*^'''^^l Samuel Riall.

Burgesses.

Rev. William Stephenson.
John Croker.
Samuel Gordon.
James Douglas.
William Riall.
Rev. Edward Croker.
John Keily, jun.
Henry Croker.
Richard Moore.
John Keily.

Charles Riall.
William H. Keilv.
Arthur C. Creagh.
George Gough.
John Bagwell.
Richard Keily.
Richard Pennefather.
Samuel Riall.
Rev. J. P. Rhoades.

(William Byrne.
John Luther.
Patrick Hearn.

1843.
Mayor — ^John Hackett.

Aldermen.

{John Hackett.
Thomas Cantwell.
Patrick Quinn.

History of Clonmel.

229

Councillors,

William Forristal.
' Thomas O'Brien.
I Edward Phelan.
I Charles Bianconi.
East Ward! Patrick Fennelly.
I John Gary.
[Thomas Holmes.
' Edward O'Neill.

William Singleton.

' William Keily.
I Thomas Stokes.
lEccles Greene.
j Patrick Rivers.
West Ward/ Daniel O'Brien.

j Patrick Corcoran.
[Thomas Prendergast.
I David Clancy.
Patrick Egan.

1906.
Mayor — ^Thomas Skehan.

(Thomas Morrissey.
Walter Geary.
Vacant.

Aldermen,

I Thomas Skehan.
David O'Connor.
Thomas J. Condon.

East Ward

Councillors,
James Meehan.
John Malcomson Murphy.
William Toohey.
Richard Dennehy.
Thomas Cleary.
James Reidy.
Martin Ryan.
Edward J. O'Connor.

John O'Donnell.

Edmund Burke.
William T. Fayle.
i James J. Hickey.
I Michael Hogan.
West Ward 'James Cahill.
John Cashin.
Arnold Power.
Stephen J. Purcell.
John Mulcahy.

Out of the total number of sovereigns who governed the town from 1371,

when that office was created, to 1608 only the following names have been
recovered : —

1424 John White. 1 581 GeofFry White.

1526 Thomas White. 1582 Michael Bray.

1539 John Stritche. 1586 Geoflfry White.

1542 John Stritche. 1589 Geoflfry White.

1543 William Pagan. 1600 Nicholas White.
1565 Walter White.

Mayors under Charter of 1608.

1608 John White. 1636 John White.

1609 Nicholas White. 1637 Francis White.
1614 Patrick White. 1639 Henry White.
1625 Henry White. 1641 John White.
1633 John White. ^ 1649 John White.

230

History of Clonmel.

During the years 1650-6,
military governor. In the
established.
1656 Thomas Stanley.
1659 Thomas Batty.

1661 Samuel Foley.

1662 Charles Blount.

1663 Richard Perrot.
1666 Charles Alcock.
1668 Samuel Foley.
1673 Francis Hopkins.

1684 Thomas Limbry.

1685 John Hanbury.
1687 James Butler.
1692 John West.
1695 John Moore.
1697 Thomas Batty.
1701 Thomas Salmon.
1704 John Wilson.

1710 Thomas Lackey.

171 1 Richard Kellett.

17 1 2 John Walkinton.

1713 Thomas Tothall.

1714 Richard Whitehand.

171 5 James Castell.

1716 Richard Carleton.

1717 Thomas Hopkins.

1718 John Power.

1719 Bartholomew Labarte.

1720 Hercules Beere.

1721 John Cooke.

1722 Philip Carleton.

1723 Guy Moore.

1724 Stephen Moore.

1725 James Going.

1726 Robert Moore.

1727 William Cole.

1728 James Going.

1729 Thomas Lackey.

1730 John Power.

there were no mayors, the town being under a
latter year the Cromwellian corporation was

173 1 James Castell.

1732 Bartholomew Labarte.

1733 William Cole.

1734 James Going.

1735 Bartholomew Labarte.

1736 Charles Atkins.

1737 Richard Going.

1738 Jeremiah Morgan.

1739 Gilbert Lane.

1740 John Power.

1 741 Samuel Gordon.

1742 Richard White.

1743 John Lackey.

1744 Robert Moore.

1745 George Cole.

1746 Samuel Gordon.

1747 Jeremiah Morgan.

1748 Robert Shaw.

1749 George Cole.

1750 Jeremiah Morgan.

1751 Richard Going.

1752 Robert Shaw.

1753 William Kellett.

1754 Theobald Lewis.

1755 John Hayman.

1756 Thomas Luther.

1757 Stephen Moore.

1758 John Luther.

1759 William Kellett.

1760 Theobald Lewis.

1 761 Thomas Luther.

1762 Stephen Moore.

1763 Robert Shaw.

1764 Theobald Lewis.

1765 Thomas Luther.

1766 Stephen Moore.

1767 Thomas Luther.

History of Clonmel.

231

1768 George Myles.

1769 Thomas Luther.

1770 Theobald Lewis & John Luther.

177 1 John Hayman.

1772 Samuel Labarte.

1773 John Luther.

1774 John Hayman & John Luther.

1775 Stephen Moore, jun.

1776 Thomas Chidley Moore.

1777 Samuel Labarte.

1778 John Luther.

1779 Stephen Cole.

1780 Christopher Kellett.

1781 Richard Moore.

1782 Nathaniel Mitchell.

1783 John Luther.

1784 Richard Moore.

1785 Thomas Gordon.

1786 Nathaniel Mitchell.

1787 Edward Collins.

1788 John Luther.

1789 Nathaniel Mitchell.

1790 Thomas Gordon.

1791 John Luther & Stephen Moore.

1792 Thomas Power.

1793 George Cole.

1794 Stephen Moore.

1795 Richard Moore.

1796 Nathaniel Mitchell.

1797 John Hackett.

1798 George Heaslop.

1799 Richard Moore.

1800 Stephen Collins.

1801 John Bagwell.

1802 Richard Bagwell.

1803 William Bagwell.

1804 John Bagwell.

1805 Richard Bagwell.

1806 John Bagwell.

1807 Richard Bagwell.

1808 John Bagwell.

1809 Henry Langley.

1 810 John Croker.

181 1 Henry Langley.

1812 John Keilly.

1813 John Croker.

1814 John Keilly.

1 81 5 John Croker.

1816 Henry Langley

1817 John Keilly.

1818 William Keilly.

1819 John Croker.

1820 William H. Keilly.

1821 William Bagwell.

1822 William Bagwell.

1823 William Bagwell.

1824 John Croker.

1825 William Bagwell.

1826 William Chaytor (e).

1827

Do.

1828

Do.

1829

Do.

1830

Do.

I83I

Do.

1832

Do.

1833

Do.

1834

Do.

1835 Benjamin B. Bradshaw.

(e) In a duodecimu printed in London, 1834, entitled "The Sketch Book,'* the anonymous
writer, who saw Chaj'tor at dinner in the Great Globe Hotel, thus describes him:—" Nearly opposite
me, sat a middle-aged, middle-sized, cowardly looking fellow ; he seemed to have a tear in the corner
of his eye and it would appear that the fates had decreed that he was never to shed it, for I met him
two years since and there the tear stands still; when he sheds it, I hope it will atone for his political
delinquency and tergiversation. The feast went on, knives and forks clancked round as in a fray. I
marked the customer opposite me, and if he were as valiiant in the iield as he was at the table he
would be fit to head an army. As he appeared to be a cunning, hypoa'itical fellow, I asked my
neighbour who he was. He replied that he was the factotum of the town — that is Chaytor, the
turncoat quakcr; he is mayor of the place, stamp distributor, butter taster, head scavenger, etc. He
like his tribe played his cards sure, by looking into every man's hand; he renounced the errors of
Quakerism to qualify himself for taking the oath to be sworn mayor."

232

History of Clonmel.

1836 Benjamin R Bradshaw.

1837 William H. Riall.

1838 Do.

1839 Do.

Reformed Corporation

1840 William H. Riall.

1841 Do.

1842 Do.

1843 John Hackett.

1844 Edward Phelan.

1845 Charles Bianconi.

1846 Do.

1847 Edward Phelan.

1848 John Luther.

1849 Patrick Quinn.

1850 Joseph Kenny.

1 85 1 Do.

1852 William Byrne.

1853 Edward Phelan.

1854 O'Brien Mahoney.

1855 William Smyth.

1856 John Prendergast.

1857 Joseph Kenny.

1858 David Clancy.

1859 W. L. Hackett.
i860 Patrick Corcoran.

1861 Francis Ryan.

1862 W. L. Hackett.

1863 Michael Guiry.

1864 Joseph Kenny.

1865 William Wright.

1866 John Griffin.

1867 Edmond Woods.

1868 W. L. Byrne.

1869 Thomas Cantwell.

1870 Joseph Kenny.

187 1 Do.

1872 O'Connell Hackett.

1873 Edward Cantwell.

1874 I>o.

1875 Edmond Woods.

1876 Joseph Kenny.

1877 Edmond Woods.

1878 Denis O'Mahoney.

1879 O'Connell Hackett.

1880 Do.

1881 Edmond Cantwell.

1882 Do.

1883 Edward C. Hackett.

1884 Do.

1885 Do.

1886 Benjamin Wright

1887 Do.

1888 Edward Murphy.

1889 Thomas J. Condon.

1890 Do.

1891 Do.

1892 James Byrne.

1893 James H. Lonergan.

1894 Do.

1895 Edward Cantwell.

1896 Patrick Nugent.

1897 Edward Burke.

1898 Patrick Nugent.

1899 Edward Murphy.

1900 Thomas Condon.

1901 Thomas Condon.

1902 Do.

1903 Thomas Morrissy.

1904 Do.

1905 Thomas Skehan.

1906 Do.

Corporate Estates.

As has been stated in Chapter II. the founders of the town endowed the
early inhabitants with certain lands. These lands were held partly in
severalty, partly in common. The fertile plain on the Tipperary side of the
Suir, now known as Burgagery, East and West, and comprising about 1,050
plantation acres (inclusive of the town and suburbs, 350 acres), was held by the

History of Clonmel. 253

townsfolk in separate holdings by the tenure called free burgage. Judging

from the Cromwellian allotment infra, these holdings would be about four

acres for each messuage in the town. Across the river the alluvial district

embracing the townlands of Croan and Raheen, was retained by the lord

himself as a manorial perquisite, as were also the lands of Barravaukeen and

Lieranearla. These apart, the whole territory for miles south of the town,

was held by the inhabitants in common. By the middle of the seventeenth

century some thirty-three persons held the burgagery lands as absolute

proprietors. They were known as "ancient burgesses," and were descended

from, or representative of, the original community. These also were owners

of the Commons, and enjoyed exclusively the commonage rights. It does not

appear that the charter of 1608 affected in any way the status of this older

community. When in 1655 a jury of the natives of the town was impannelled

to report on the corporate estates, they set forth in careful detail the several

houses and lands, but make no mention whatever of Burgagery lands or

Commons as the property of the corporation. The earliest evidence

of the connection of the Commons with the corporation is in the *' Book of

Distribution " of the County Waterford under the Acts of Settlement and

Explanation, 1662-5.

Commons of Clonmell.

Grantees ... ... ... ... Corporacon Clonmell ^/A

Proprietors in 1641 ... ... ... The Commons of Clonmell.

Acreage (Irish) unprofitable ... ... 3»803.

Do. do. profitable ... ... 1,300.

The most recent mapped survey shows a diminished acreage, being
5,017 a. I r. 22 p. Irish. The corporate estate begins at the foot of the hill, and
lies east of a line drawn from the extremity of the boathouse island due
south (g). It extends almost to the Nire, being in length about five miles
with an average breadth of three. The rest of the corporate property is
substantially as recorded in the survey of 1654.

But the town derives little profit from this huge estate. While much of
the mountain is comparatively valueless, the estate comprises lands of
unquestionably great fertility. These, however, have long been mis-
appropriated by corporate jobbery. Some particulars have been given
already, but the whole leasehold rental is highly instructive.

(t) P.R.O. In 1848, during the mayoralty of J. Luther, the Keformed Corporation attempted
to make out title to the Burgagery lands. Mr. Morrin, the well-known archivist, was employed to
enquire whether these lands had been held on trust for charitable purposes, and the profits devoted
to the relief of the poor, support of almshouses, etc. In such case the validity of the grants under
t he Acts of Settlement would be open to question.

(g) This island, in part corporate property, was formerly known as Batty 's and Moore Island.

234

History of Clonmel.

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History of Clonmel. 255

The rents therefore, reserved by the corporation, are only one-fourth of
the valuation. The actual letting value would even show a greater
disproportion (h).

Corporation Regalia.

By the charter of James I. power was granted the Mayor, Bailiffs,
Freeburgesses and Commonalty " to name, elect and constitute one Sword-
bearer and three Sergeants-at-Mace " and such other necessary officers as
seemed good to them. It would appear that this power was exercised, and a
sword bearer forthwith appointed. The Sexton MSS. in the British Museum,
which belong to the early seventeenth century, state under 1608 "Clonmell
had first a Mayor and Bayliffe with a Sword." The present regalia however,
date only from the establishment of the Cromwellian Corporation, half a
century later. They consist of a sword and two silver maces (i).

The sword is four feet in length, the blade being three feet and half an

inch. The blade is of genuine Spanish make and probably saw service in

warfare. It bears on one face the word "Jesu" on the other "Maria"

together with the marks of the Toledo fabric, a cross and anchor. The

guard, hilt and pommel, are all of silver but without hall or maker's mark.

The guard or cross is a segment with upturned points, and measures one foot

two inches from point to point. It is very rudely chased with oak leaf

ornament, acorns being placed at the centre and extremities. The hilt or

handle proper, is formed of fine silver wire wound closely round a core.

The pommel, two inches in diameter, shows on one side the Stanley arms ;

on a bend three stags heads caboshed, on the sinister canton a vallary

crown of three points (/y. An inscription in cursive hand, is carried round

the shield : —

Ex dono X Thome x Standly x /(S56.

The obverse side of the pommel exhibits the arms of the town (k); on a

bridge of three arches in fess, masoned, a deer and hound courant, in base a

stream fluent with three fishes ; the motto

Fidelis in eternum,

(h) The tutal rental of the corporate estate represents atx)ut ;f 530. The principal debts were,
1880, ;f6ooo for erection of Town Hall; 1883, jf3000 for Cemetery; 1892 and following years
;f 18,437 for Waterworks; 1894, 13,000 purchase of Gas VV^orks. The loans were consolidated in
1896 by floating a municipal stock for ;^49,ooo.

(i) There is a mayor's chain but it is of quite recent date.

(j) Probably; but the crudely graven charge maybe read as an inverted label to distinguish the
eldest son of the first house.

(k) This is the earliest known representation of the Clonmel arms, those carved in the panel of
the Palatine Court (the present Main Guard), belonging to a period twenty years later. The
helmet and supporters seem to have been added by some local herald. A fine carving in wood of
the corporate arms once adorned the Council gallery in old St. Mary's, but it has disappeared with
the gallery itself.

236 History of Clonmel.

The sword is enclosed in a velvet scabbard, the silver tip of which, about
four inches long, is almost cotemporary with the handle. The chasing is
even ruder than that on the handle. At the extremity on each side a rough
crown is punched between the Latin initials C.R. (King Charles). The rest
of the plate is engraved with a rose and marigold design.

The maces are at present on exhibition at the Dublin Museum, and to
this fortunate circumstance the writer is indebted for a description of them
by Mr. J. R. Garstin, the best authority perhaps on old Irish silverwork.

"They are similar in design and construction (I), but differ in size, being
respectively 22 and l8 inches in length and having heads 3 and 25^ inches
in depth. These heads are divided into four panels or compartments by
simple perpendicular bands of raised floral ornament, surmounted by Caryatid
figures. Two of these panels bear the Royal Arms of the Stuart period, viz. :
1st and 4th France and England, quarterly, 2nd Scotland, 3rd Ireland, within
a garter and surmounted by a crown. The other two have conventional
roses, for England, each under a crown. They have no emblem for France,
Scotland or Ireland, which most Irish maces have. On the flat plates which
close in the top of each, a similar biit larger rose is displayed under a crown,
between the letters C and R (for * Charles Rex ')i without any indication that
the second Charles is referred to, as is evident from the date, 1663, engraved
on the larger mace only. A smaller crown is over each of these two letters,
so there are three. The rose and thistle are underneath the large crown, but
no Irish emblem — for the shamrock did not come into use until long after.
Such maces are usually surmounted by a cresting or rim — generally of
fleur-de-lis — round the edge. These however have not this edging, which
may have been lost or picked away.

"Both maces are, as usual, wholly of silver, having no stick in the stems,
which are, like the heads, hollow but heavy. The heads and stems bear
evidence of having parted company, possibly having, as there are instances
of, been put in requisition as weapons ! Plates added to strengthen them
underneath are visible. The heads and handles screw together — the socket
of one screw being on the head, while that of the other is on the stem.

"One of the stems has evidently replaced an older one, being
comparatively modern, as appears from the Sheffield hall-mark including as
date-letter M, which indicates 1879. Each stem is plain, having one knop in
the middle and another at the bottom, to which a flat seal-top base is attached.

(I) Cloninel Corix>ralion Maces. By John R. Garstin, K.S.A., M.K.I.A., author of " Maces and
other Corporation Insignia of Ireland." The two maces of Clonmel having been on loan in the
Dublin Museum in October, 1906, I took the opportunity of examining them, and give this
description. — J.R.G.

History of Clonmel. 237

On the latter are engraved in a shield a heraldic device, presumably for the
town arms which may be described in unheraldic language as : — A dog chasing
a stag across a bridge of three arches, under each of which swims a fish.
Burke's 'Armory' gives no arms for Clonmel, .and the device engraved in
Lewis's 'Topographical Dictionary' is the mayor's seal, and quite different.

" Strange to say the maces have no original hall-mark proper, but each
has a maker's mark — the initials LS. in an oval with a line round them and a
pellet above and below. These belong to John Stoaker or Slicer, wh67 with
the exception of Abel Ram, is the only Irish maker shown in Mr. Jackson's
great book ' English Goldsmiths and their marks ' (London, 4to, 1905) p. 560,
as having made between 1656 and 1672 articles known to the author as still
existing, and all but one of them, including the mace for Carlow which has
for date-letter T of the first alphabet=i656-7. Only ten older objects than
these Clonmel maces are recorded by Mr. Jackson from the foundation of the
Goldsmiths' Hall in 1637 to the * 1663 ' engraved on one of them. This
should give an idea of their importance and value."

There were two seals granted by the charter of James I.

And alsoe of our like special grace we with and by these presents for us, our heirs
and successors Give unto the said Mayor, Bayliffs, ffreeburgesses and Commonalty of
the said Borrough of Clonmell and their successors that they have and may have forever,
one Comon Seale engraven and carved with such formes and inscription as hitherto
they have been accustomed to, and ye sealing of all and singular Writings, Indents,
Grants, Warrants of Attorney, and all muniments, Hereditaments, and all other public
matters whatsoever to the said town or Borrough belonging or conseming, As ALSOE
another seale of office of Mayoralty to be and remain in ye custody of the said Mayor
for the time being to seale all and singular Testimonies, Certificates, Attachments, and
Processes whatsoever.

Only one impression of the seal which "hitherto they had been
accustomed to " is known to exist ; it is appended to a document in Kilkenny
Castle of the date 1543, but it is unrecognizable. The two seals at present
in use were probably provided in accordance with a presentment of the
D'Ouir Hundred Jury, 24th May, 1714.

Wee present that the Mayor and Councill will order a new Seale to be made for
sealinge of Leases and Freedomes, which wee desire to be kept in the Chest and that
there be a small Seale for the Mayor carrying in his pockett to sign Capiasses and
Warrants, and that the old Seale be melted down.

The larger seal is unmistakably eighteenth century work. It is difficult
to conceive a greater degradation of the classic form of Justice, than this
vulgar female, with impossible hair and drapery, shouldering the sword and
evidently anxious to get rid of the scales. But the engraver, however clumsily,
has made his meaning clear. This is not so with the smaller seal. Though
design and execution are incomparably better, what the significance is of the
dagger impaling the olive wreath, must be left to the ingenuity of the curious.

Ohapxe^r XII.

CROMWELUAN CLONMEL.

CHE following documents illustrate the most important epoch in the
history of the town. The uprooting and scattering of the old
burghers and the setting down of a new race in their homes, have
been described in a former chapter. The process, it is to be
regretted, through defect of materials, can now be only faintly realized.
But the results, as set forth in the following records, stand out with striking
vividness. The first document is the report of a jury of burghers " late of
Clonmel " on the corporate rights and franchises, lest the memory of these
should pass away with the former inhabitants. The second shows the earlier
stage in the Cromwellian settlement of the town — the cantoning of the soldiers
in the several houses and corresponding burgages. The third forms a sort of
directory of the inhabitants in the tenth year of the Commonwealth. The
fourth shows the town as it was finally settled — house by house with the
name of its new and that of its former possessor.

Of these documents the first forms part of the " Civil Survey " in the
Quit Rent Office, Dublin; the second and fourth were obtained from the
Public Record Office (Commonwealth Books, Patents of Grants under Acts of
Settlement and Explanation). The third is in possession of the writer ; it is
the original, and has appended the contemporary warrant signed by the
Mayor and Bailiffs of Clonmel (m).

Survey of Clonmel. •

Com. Tipperarie fF.

The towne of Clonmell with the lands within the Liberties and Burgagery
of that Corporation and other lands in the Barony of Iflfay and Offay
belonging to that Corporation.

,fnO But for the half leaf wanting, it is in fair preservalion.

HISTORY OF CLONMEL. 239

At a Court of Survey held at Clonmell in the County of Tipperary for the
said Towne and Burgagery the Qth day of August 1655. Before Charles
Blount, John Booker and Henry Paris Esqrs Com"* appointed and authorized
by Comission from the right honoble the late Com" of the Commonwealth
of England for the aff ayres of Ireland for holding of Courts of Survey in the
said County of Tipperary. By the oaths of Good and lawfull men formerly
Inhabitauntes of the sd Towne whose names are underwritten. It is found as
followeth viz*-

James Brennock of Clonmell, Apotecary.

Patrick Donoghow, late of Clonmell, merchant.

Walter Morony, late of ye same, merchant.

Thomas White, late of ye same, merchant.

John Dwyer, late of ye same. Glover.

Phillipp Mohologhan, late of ye same, husbandman.

Thomas Carran, late of ye same, husbandman.

Luke Quirck, late of ye same, merchant.

Richard Esmond, late of ye same, husbandman.

Michael Bray, late of ye same, merchant.

Ambrose Bray, late of the same, merchant.

Thomas Walsh, late of the same, husbandman.
The Towne and lands within the lyberties and Burgagery of Clonmell in
the County of Tipperary are bounded as followeth ; by Powersland [Powers-
town] and Mylerstown in the Parish of Kilgrant on the east, Rathronan in
the Parish of Rathronan, Rathduffe in the Parish of Kilgrant, Lawlestowne
and Tubburhany on the north, Ballyngarran and Garrishane on the west, and
y* River Sewir on the south. The particular meares and bounds of the said
Burgagery lands of Clonmell are knowen by the sd Jury being Antient
Inhabitauntes thereof, and often heretofore trod out by them and all ye sd
lands within the lyberties of Clonmell were lately surveyed at the charge
of the present Inhabitaunts thereof. The sd Towne of Clonmell is situated
on the North Side of the River Sewir in the County of Tipperary
and is walled about with a stone wall of Lyme and stone, with severall
Turretts and hath the accomodation of a stone Bridge together with two
Greist mills on the same and had the conveniency of three suburbs viz**
The East suburbs extending to the lane called Bohir Mullineparky containqing
fiftye Cabbins or thereabouts with garden plotts and three weires likewise
three houses and gardens wch leadeth from the sd East Suburbs unto the
North Suburbs. The sd North Suburbs consistinge of fowerteene houses or
thereabouts with gardens and from the sayd North Suburbs there was a lane
enclosed all along with gardens and oarchards leadinge unto the West

240 History of Clonmel.

Suburbs wch suburbs consisted of eighty bouses or thereabouts whereof six
were good slate houses and one mill And ye said suburbs did extend from
the West Gate to a lane called Borineninardchsy comonly called Chiefe rent
Lane. The sd Towne had the priviledges viz'* by Charter graunted them in
the yeare 1608 they were to make choyse of twenty men for their councell
and out of the twenty they were to elect a Mayo"" and two Bayliffes about
Midsumer and sweare them at Michellmas together with a Recorder. There
was likewise a Court of Record once a fforthnight or accordinge as occasion
served to determine any difference betwixte party and party for any sume or
sumes or other causes or Actions. There were alsoe fFower Deerehundred
Courts every yeare. A Court Lette twice a yeare a Court Barron once a yeare.
A Pyepowder Court as often as occasion served and the Mayo"" of the Towne
for the Tyme being was alwayse Corono' Sealema*" and Justice of the Peace
and Quorum for the County of Tipperary and had three Sarieants to attend
him with maces, a sword and a sword bearer A Comon Seale of Office and a
capp of Mainetenance. There was a Clarke of the Markett belonginge to the
said Towne and ye Maio' for the time being did receive Custome from every
stranger that passed over the Bridge with Carriage or Cattle and there was
likewise a Comon Sellar Keyage and Boateage to Receive Strangers goods
as they came from or went to Waterford and a markett twice a week viz*
upon Tuesdayes and Saturdayes.

The Towne of Clonmell and lyberties thereof had bene alwayse time out
of minde an Intire Corporation of themselves distinct from the Barony of
IfFay and Offay or any other Barony and never deemed taken or reputed
member, pt or parcel! of the said Barony or any other Barony. The tythes of
the Parish of Clonmell were two third parts of all ye Tythes greate or small
Imppriate, and belonging to the Earle of Ormond by patent from the Crowne.
The other third part to the vicar and were all worth in the year 1640 . . .
. . /40 05. Od. The lands within the lyberties and Burgagery of Clonmell
in the County of Tipperary by estimation Nine hundred thirty five plantation
acres all pfitable land enjoyed for the most part in ye yeare 1640 by ye
persons whose names doe ensue but their particular and respective pportions
we are not able now to sett forth.

The Names of the Antient Burgesses of Clonmell who were Proprieto"* of
lands within the Burgagery of Clonmell in the yeare 1640.

James Lord Marques of Ormond.

John White fz Bennet of Clonmell.

Henry White of Clonmell.

(Francis White of Clonmell.

Pierce Bray of Clonmell.

History of Clonmel. 241

John Stritch of Clonmell.

Andrew Morony of Clonmell.

John Bray of Clonmell.

James ffaggan of Clonmell.

Michaell Bray of Clonmell.

James Wall of Clonmell.

John Lea of Waterford.

Patrick Walsh of Waterford.

Thomas White fz Richard of Clonmell.

Nicholas Everard of flfethard.

David White of Russelstowne in ye County of Waterford.

JelFry Barron of Clonmell.

W" Leynogh of Clonmell.

Richard Butler of Clonmell.

John White fz Lawrence of Clonmell.

Thomas Roch of Clonmell.

Edmond Brenock of Clonmell.

Pierce Wall of Clonmell.

W" Swyny of Clonmell.

John Corr of Tubburhany in ye County of Tipperary.

Bartholomy Creagh of Clonmell.

John Wall of Clonmel.

William Lincoln of Waterford.

Alexander Power of Powerstowne in the County of Tipperary.

Thomas White fitz Richard fitz David of Clonmell.

Richard Morony of Clonmell.

Thomas Donoghow of Clonmell.

John English of Clonmell.
— Irish Papists.
Corporation Lands and houses within the Burgagery and Towne (besides
what were the Inheritances of the sayd Proprieto**) are hereafter sett downe.
And houses and lands belonging to the Hospittals &c sett apart for pious
uses.

The viccars house and garden sett apart for that use (time out of minde)
situate on the south side of the Church yard in Clonmell. The house destroyed
sithence ye takeing of Clonmell. The Garden now in the possession of M*"-
Richard Hamerton of Clonmell by lease from the late Com"* of Reuenue in
Tipperary.

A house destroyed before the Rebellion with a garden adioyneing there-
unto wch was sett aparte time out of mind for a Ifree schoole situate on the

R

242 History of Clonmel.

south side of the Church yard afforesd in Clonmell. The garden now in the
possession of M*"- Hamerton aforesd. A stone slate house built situate on
the East side of the Church yard afForsd in Clonmell built aboutt thirty yeares
sithence by the Comons of Clonmell upon a part of their Comon land and
sett apart for an Hospitall for old impotent decayed inhabitants of Clonmell
and soe used untill the takeing of the Towne in the yeare 1650. The sd house
is now in lease to Coll Sankey from the late Com" of Reuvenue and is in
Repayre.

A parcell of ground where the Comon Pound stood situate on the East
side of the Hospitall house afforesd. A garden belonging to the late viccar
of Clonmell and soe held and enioyed (time out of minde) situate on the East
side of the Hospitall and Pound alforesayd, bounded with the Towne wall on
the North and extendinge in the East to the garden and House where David
Walsh lived.

The County goale and Towne hall built over the same situate neare the
middle of the Towne now in good repayre. Three stone built slate houses
situate in the middle Roe behind the sd Towne Hall leading to the West
Gate in Clonmell built upon the Corporation lands by certaine burgesses
thereof upon seuerall leases to them granted of the sd lands by the Comons
of Clonmell about fifty yeares sithence for one hundred yeares to come from
the comencem* of their respective leases at the yearley rent of one pound
thirteene shill' and 4^ for each house. One of those houses is now possessed
by Ralph Chadcroft. Another by Thomas Sellin by lease from the late
Com** of Revenue, both in good repaire, the third wholy ruined and in the
Roome thereof a guardhouse lately built.

A Part of the stonehouse and backhouses and backside in Logt streete in
Clonmell wherein James Brenock, Apottecary, lately dwelth built uppon the
Corporacon land about sixty yeares sithence by the sayd James his father,
and the sayd James, and held by them in Lease from the sayd Corporacon
for one hundred and one yeare at the yearely rent of twelve shillings, now
possessed by the Wid : Spinser.

A stone built house neare the East Gate built uppon the Corporacon
lands by James Daniell of Clonmell neare twenty yeares sithence held by
lease from the Corporacon for one hundred and one yeares at one shilling
six pence yearely wch house is included within the late built flfort in Clonmell
and now in the possession of the Governor.

Divers other thacht houses and slate houses now for the most part
demolished and included within the walls of the sd flfoort wch was built
uppon ye Corporacon lands by seuerall burgesses thereof, who held the same
by lease from ye Corporacon together with the Comon Seller to receive

History of Clonmel. ^43

strangers goods and the Guild hall built over the same and a private chamber
built over the Watergate belonging to the Corporacon, which did yield the
Corporacon in the yeare 1640 six poundes per ann, All whch are now wholly
destroyed.

All the Castles and Turretts uppon the Towne walls yeilded yearely a
certaine rent to the sd Corporacon.

The other part of the stone built house upon the Corporacon lands built
by John Stritch wherein George Carr now dwelleth, yeilded the yearely rent
of six shillings and 8d to the sd Corporacon.

All the houses, stayres, Pynnyons and Gutters and other structures
erected either upon the Towne walls or upon the streetes of the sd Towne.
The respective parties for buildinge pd a yearely rent to the sd Corporacon.

The stone house in the middle of the Towne in the South side. The
upper part whereof was formerly used as a guard house.

A guard house, the middle part thereof was continually used by Butchers
to sell meat and the Loer part thereof comonly used for a Comon Goale wch
was alwayse time out of minde pperty belonging to the Corporation and
imployed to the uses alforesd.

The lane under the house lately belonging to John White iz Lawrence
and now in the possession of Richard Parrett yeilded the Corporation a
yearely rent for the buildings over the same.

The Toll of the Comon Barrell of the sayd Towne yeilded the Corporation
the rent of twenty eight pounds in the yeare 1640.

The Sheire Goale under the West Court house sett by the sd Corporation
for the yearely rent of eight pounds to the Goaler in the yeare 1640.

Two Mills upon the Bridge of Clonmell in the County of Tipperary did
yeild the sd Corporation a yearely rent in ye yeare 1640 and alwayse before
time out of minde. The one halfe of the fish taken in the River of Sewir
(otherwise then at weires and Mills) from Borrinahow to Pooks [Query Rocks]
mill on the North side of the sd River belongeth to the sd Corporation time
out of mindei The custome of all cattle sould at the Markett of y* sd Towne
yeilded a yearely rent to the sayd Corporation. Many other houses parks
and gardens as well within the walls of the sd Towne as in the Suburbs
thereof belongeth to the sayd Corporation and yeilded them some small yearely
rent, the particulars whereof we cannot certainely sett dowhe. Nor the
persons names in whose possession the sd houses and gardens were in the
yeare 1640. The poesesso" of them haveing joyned them to their owne lands
and broken downe the meares betweene them.

Corporation lands without the walls and within the Burgagery
of Clonmell.

244 History of Clonmel.

The Spittle or Lazars house situate about a quarter of a mile westward
from Clonmell wholly destroyed onely some part of the wall standinge with
twenty plant" Acres of arable land and meddow by computation scattered
and intermixed with other lands within the Burgagery of Clonmell worth in

the yeare 1640 ten pounds p annu llOOs. Od. wch house and

lands were held and enjoyed by the Corporacon of Clonmell (time out of
minde) and were possessed in the yeare 1640 by John White fitz Lawrence
of Clonmell, Burgesse, by Mortgage from the sd Corppracon and the sd John
White paying thereout to the Corporacon yearely one pound, 19s, and some
odd pennyes as wee remember over and above his Mortgage.

The thatcht house in the west suburbs with three gardens thereunto
belonging, now in the possession of James Brenock Appotecary and in the
yeare 1640 built for a house of Correction and belonged to the sd Corporacon
time out of mynde.

A small parcell of land neare the Gibbett hill without the North gate of
the sd Towne belonged to the Corporacon afforesd time out of minde, on
part whereof Victor white, Daniel MoUoghan, Mlaghlin Skehane, Michael
Kott and Edmond Purcell have lately built cabbins.

Corporacon lands lyeing in the Barony of IlFay and OfFay without the
Burgagery of Clonmell.

The Castle towne and lands of Ballymac Adam with a cley pitt thereupon,
lyinge in the County of Tipperary and Parish of Caher, containing three
colpe acres of the old extent and it was bestowed time beyond the memory
of man by the Lady Dowager of Cahir upon the sd Corporacon and
accordingly enjoyed time out of mind by the sd Corporacon to their publique
use and enjoyed by Morrish m*" Adam in the year 1640 As tenant to the sd
Corporacon for the yearely rent of six pounds.

The sd Corporacon (time out of minde) likewise enjoyed to their publique
use, two fields of land between both the Annor bridges in the parish of
Killoloan in the East division of Iffay and OfFay, being by estimation ten
plantation acres, whereon there was a tuckinge Mill built in the yeare 1640
and now demolished, wch lands and mill was held by John Walsh Esq. from
the Corporacon at a certaine rent.

Thomas Castle at Ardf ynan otherwise called Shortcastle, with one colpe
Acre of the old extent consisting of twenty plantation acres by estimation.
The meares and bounds whereof they can not sett forth here because they
doe not know the names of the lands that meares about it, which Castle and
lands did belong to the Corporacon of Clonmell time out of minde and was
worth in the yeare 1640 the sume of fFower pounds ster, yearely 04/1 005. ood.

This Inquisition was taken before us at Clonmell the 9th day of August, 1655.

H. Paris, Char. Blount. Jo : Booker,

History of Clonmel.

245

Settlement of 1654.
An Exact Rent roll of the Houses and Burgagery land of the Towne of
Clonmell as they were sett by lease by the late Com" of Revenue of the
precincts of Clonmel aforesaid, for the space of six years commenceinge the
first of May 1654, to the undernamed persons for the Annuall rents to their
names respectively annexed viz*-

n

Coll John Booker, new dwelling house, mill, Bakehouse, 35 ac 95 per. sett"^
at no rent or which rent was respited by order of late Comrs. of [
the Commonwealth on 12 Ap. 1654 for one whole year ... ... )

Thomas Price, his dwelling house 2 ac. 127 per.

Thomas Taylour, his thatdihouse

Ralph Chadraft, house 13 ac 41 per. and garden plott

Margaret ffrankes, house 4 aa 32 per. and garden plott

Nathaniel Thompson, house, garden with 4 ac. 32 per.

Edward Hill, house, 4 ac. 81 per. garden plott ...

Robert Loveles, house, garden plott, I ac 120 per. at 2d. the yeare for
years commencing I May 1654 in consideration of building

Henry Wainright, house with 7 ac 179 per. garden plott

Henry Heware, house, 8 ac 35 per.

Mrs. Jane Charles, house, gulden, li ac 66 per.

Zachary Salmon, thatch house and garden

Arthur Rawlinson, thatch house, backside thereunto belonging

Richard Rouse, thatch house with garden

Daniel Powell, thatch house with garden plott

Elizabeth Bowen, her house ...

John Reanan, slate house and small thatch house, garden 15 ac. 120 per.

Elizabeth Merritt, house 19 ac 81 per. garden plott

Henry Paris, Esq., a small thatcht house

Richard Rouse, house, 16 ac 159 per. garden plott

Ensigne Henry Proud, house, 7 ac 104 per.

James Sheely, house, 8 ac 97 per. garden plott

Richard Betsworth, house, 9 ac 14 per. garden plott

Thomas Turpin, house, 9 ac 66 per. garden plott at the rent 40 shillings
for the first yeare and five pounds for the foure ensueingd

Charles House, house, 7 ac. 96 per. garden plott

George Moore, house, 6 ac 45 per. garden plott

John Greete, house, 5 ac 153 per. garden plott

Robert Thompson, house, 4 ac 27 per. garden plott

Capt. Edmond Hyegate, house, 6 ac 190 per.

Francis Hopkins, house, 5 ac 97 per.

Mr. Oliver Latham, house, 4 ac. 103 per.

Solomon Richards, Esq., house, II ac 120 per.

Richard Ely, house, 18 ac and garden plott

Edward Markham, house, 8 ac 34 per.

Thomas Chelcum, house, 8 ac 80 per.

Lieut. Coll. John Brett, house, 18 ac. 90 per. ...

Katherine Spencer, house, 1 1 ac. 67 per. garden plott

Thomas Bates, thacht house —

John Gosling, house, 5 ac 36 per. garden plott

Robert Carr, house, 7 ac 64 per. garden plott

John Draper, house, 8 ac. 63 per.

Capt. Thomas Richards, house, II ac 1 16 per.

Lyonell ffoard, house, garden plott

Major Robert Knight, house, 25 ac 2 per.

Coll. Solomon Richards, house in Breach streete, 30 ac 6 per.

£ s. d,
60 13 0

5 12

0

I 0

0

8 0

0

3 0

0

3 0

0

2 8

6

2

4 2

6

3 13

0

4 0

0

I 0

0

I 0

0

I 0

0

I 4

0

I 0

0

I 3

0

8 10

0

I 0

0

5 n

0

6 6

0

i \

0

6

2 10

0

5 0

0

4 0

0

2 0

0

410

0

3 10

0

9 0

0

7 0

0

8 3

6

6 7

0

2 0

0

II 14

3

4 0

0

I 0

0

4 0

0

2 10

0

!■;

0
0

2 0

0

14 0

0

II 0

0

246

History of Clonmel.

George Tucker, house, 5 ac. 92 per. garden plott
Leonard Proctor, thatchouse, garden plott
Thomas Wheatley, thatchouse, garden plott ...

Capt. Henry Newberry, house, 19 ac. 66 per. garden plott
John Bayly, a garden plott, 8 ac. 30 per.

Coll. Daniel Abbott, house, mill with backside 85^ ac ...

The said Coll. Abbott, another house, iSJ^ ac.

Coll. Solomon Richards, house, yarde and gardens, 32 ac. 29 per.
John Cooke, house, 14 ac. 24 per.

Richard Moore, house, garden II ac. 24 per.

George Carr, house, garden ...

Geffrey Jenkins, house, garden

Capt Henry Butler, house, 16 ac. 23 per.

John Nicholls, house, garden Sac. 147 per.

James Cooke, house, garden 7 aa 15 per.

Richard Hamerton, house, garden 7 ac. 13 per.

Lieutenant Herrickes, house, 18 ac. 32 per.

James Sturzecar, house, small garden 5 ac. 126 per.

Lieut Humphrey Minchin, house, II ac. 121 per.

Amy Chaffin, house, II ac. 112 per. ...

Sarah Warin, house, garden 8 ac. 22 per.

Richard Parrett, house, garden 17 ac. 71 per. ...

James Ketty, house, 5 ac 83 per garden plott

William Lane, house, garden plott 9 ac 24 per.

Thomas Batty, Esq., thacht house, parcell wast ground

Coll. Thomas Blount, house, mill 21 ac 17 per.

Quarter Master Oliver, house, 8 ac. 30 per. garden plott

Thomas Batty, Esq., new dwelling house, 28 ac 126 per. garden plott

Mrs. Mary Dunbarr, house, mill II ac 77 per. garden plott

Richard Gowing, house and garden plott

Robert Thomill, house

John Lillington, thacht house ...

Capt. John Earpe, house and garden ...

Diggery Bagnall, thacht house

Henry Paris Esq., his small garden plott in west suburbs

ffrancis Vaughan Esq., 14 ac. 139 per. ...

William Hanbury, House

John Gresham, house in high st. 4ac 109 per. garden plott

John Pickett, house, garden 12 ac 176 per.

Henry Everard, house garden plott 17 ac. 20 per.

George Slaughter, house in shambles lane garden plott 5 ac. 133 per.

Capt William Palmer, house in West Gate lane 4 ac. 54 per.

Major Martin Dix, house in High St garden plott 14 ac 69 per. ...

Coll. John Booker, house in West Gate Lane with Ruined mill and two baksides

Walter Bagshaw, house in Breach Street

Capt. Henry Newberry, two small cabbins with a little garden plott without >
the East Gate ... ... ... ... ... ...)

William Galfe, house in Breech St, 14 ac 106 per. garden plott

Capt Samuel Foley, 2 fields of burgagery land containing 9 ac 33 per. laid)
by the late survey to the house late belonging to Ellice ne Henny [
for which he is to pay ... ... ... ... ...)

The said Capt flFoley having a lease of the house where the Com" of Revenue ^
did usually sitt for the tearme of five yeares comencinge ye I of f
November, 1654, for which he is to pay for ye five yeares fifty C
shillings and five pounds yearly for ye five years one half ensuing J

Coll. Solomon Richards, his lease of three fields of the lands of Cruan and )
Rahines for 3 yeares comenceing first May, 1654, and sett to him [
for ye small rent of 18 shillings ... ... . . . )

£ s.

d.

3 0

0

I 10

0

10

0

14 0

0

3 10

0

4 14

0

13 14

0

9 12

6

10 16

7

6 0

0

II 10

0

5 0

0

5 10

0

4 16

0

4 10

0

10 18

0

10 0

0

3 0

0

6 10

0

4 0

0

5 0

0

n 5

0

2 I

6

3 2

0

I 0

0

"Jl

0

0

15 15

0

3 0

0

3 3

0

6 0

0

I 0

0

3 2

6

I 0

0

5

0

3 0

0

2 0

0

2 18

6

6 0

0

13 0

0

2 I

6

I 18

0

8 0

0

I 10

0

I 0

0

9

0

6 0

0

I 10 0

I 5 0

18 0

HISTORY OF CLONMEL. 247

POLE Money Book, i66i.

By the Com™- for putting in Execution the ordinance of Pole money
within the Barronye and liberties of Clonmell for his Ma''*** service.

Pursuant to an ordinance of the Gen"' Convention of Ireland bearing date
the first day of March l66o, directed to vs as Com"* for putting the same in
due and effectual execution : Yow the undernamed are hereby authorized and
required to leavy and collect from the before named persons [in original this
order follows the list of names] the severall summes to their names respectively

annexed. And in case of refusal are to distrayn him

or them by their goods and chattells and the distresses (after the keeping of
them six dayes) to cause to be appraised and if not presently redeemed to sell
the same for satisfying of what moneyes is due thereout and the over plus if
any be (after first deducting such costs and charges as yow shall be att in
distreyneing and keeping of the distresse) to deliver back to the owner or
owners thereof. Which said summes soe by yow collected you are to pay
over vnto Capt William Hubbard Chief e Collector or his assignes att or before
the 7*** day of May instant, and all high and petty Constables and all other
his Ma***** officers and good subjects whatsoever both Civill and Military are
required to be ayding and assisting in the execution of the premisses, and
for their soe doing this shall bee a sufficient warrant and authority. Dated
in Clonmell the first day of May l66l (n).

To Richard Dennison sub collector

of the towne and suburbs of * S. fFoley Mayor.

Clonmell. Robert Lovelace.

I doe approve of the above Rich^- Perot.

sub Collector as Wittness my

hand this l8th of May l66l

W. Hibbart,

Borough of Clonmell in the County of Tipperary.

Names and n.,^/;<f^^/,vi«c Summes in
Sir Names, Q^tficatwns, p^^^^^

£ 5. d.

John Dwyer [runnaway] servant 2 0

William Casheene, servant ... 2 0

George Tucker, Slater ... 6 0

Elizabeth Tucker, his wife ... 2 0

Anne West, a prisoner's wife ... 2 0

Onnor Ryane, a Kilne woman 2 0

Richard Mary, a porter ... 2 0

Ellen Mary, his wife ... 2 0

Mathew Kenny, Miller ... 2 0

Names and n..^/;/?^^#.v,^c Summes in
Sir Names. Q^tficatwns, ^^^^^

£ 5. d,

John Booker, Esquire ... 2 0 0

Catherine Booker, his wife ... 2 0

Thomas Booker, his sonne Gentl. I a o

John Horsman, husbandman ... o 0

Elizabeth, his wife ... 2 0

Ivane, his nurse ... 2 0

Mary Walsh, servant ... 2 0

Thomas Hutchman, servant ... 2 0

Richard Butler, servant ... 2 0

[Here half a leaf is wanting containing about forty-four names. — W.P.B.]

(it) In later hand inserted '* Mein**""»- that the total of th's booke mounts vnto One hundred
forty and seaven pounds twelve shillings ster. 147/f 125. or/."

248

History of Clonmel.

Names and n.,r,ii4i^^fi^^^ Summes in
Sir Names. Qualifications. ^^^^^^

£ 5. d.

Anthony Watts, shopkeeper ... 14 0

Martha, his wife ... 2 0

Morris Kennelly, servant ... 2 0
Stephen Morris, a poore shopkeeper 2 0

Christian, his wife ... 20

Elizabeth Madison, a soldier's wife 2 0

John Walters, Malster ... 60

Sarah, his wife ... 2 0

John Dullaghunty, Miller ... 2 0

Rose, his wife ... 2 0

Richard Taylour, Clothier ... 60

Anne, his wife ... 2 0

Toby Dwyle, servant ... 2 0

Robert Collbecke, servant ... 2 0
Robert Lovelace, Gentleman ... 140

Susanna, his wife ... 2 0

Walter, his servant ... 2 0

Peige, his servant ... 2 0

Daniell Hallourhan, servant ... 2 0

Honora Carroll, servant ... 2 0

Richard Botsworth, Aleseller ... 60

Ellinor, his wife ... 2 0

Catherine Glissane, servant ... 20

John Esmeath, Cooke ... 60

Lettice, his wife ... 20

his maid ... 2 0

Richard Williams, Aleseller ... 60

Margery, his wife ... 2 0

Mary Cornane, servant ... 20

ffrancis Rawbone, taylor '... 60

Jane, his wife ... 2 0

Robert Silvester, servant ... 2 0

John Pressicke, Sadler ... 60

Anne, his wife ... 20

Charles Howes, Shooemaker ... 60

Elizabeth Howes, his wife ... 2 0
William Nicholls, Journeyman!
servant .../

Joseph Howes, servant ... 20

Katherine Ny. Cragh, servant 2 0

George Moore, a poore shoemaker 6 0

Margaret, his wife 2 0

Thomas Stapleton, servant ... 20

Edward Smith, Joyner ... 60

Anne, his wife ... 20

John Greete, ffarmor ... 14 0

Joane, his wife ... 2 0

Mory Symmes, his sister in law 2 0
John Parker, his sonne in law, Sadler 6 0

Mary, his wife ... 2 0

Robert Tompson, Baker ... 14 0

Susan, his wife ... 20

John Boorke, servant ... 2 0

Richard Whitehand, shoemaker 14 0

Mary, his wife ... 20

2 0

Names and
Sir Names.

Qualifications.

Andrew Hare, (Journeymen)

Summes in
Figures.
£ s. d
2 0

JohnWoodall, I servants i 2 0

John Richison, Journeyman servant 2 0

Alice Power, servant ... 2 0

Mary Scott, a foot soldier's wife 2 0

Thomas Browne, Boatman ... 2 0

Catherine, his wife ... 2 0

Dorothy Johnston, a poore widow 2 0

ifrancis Hopkins, Chandler ... 14 0

Joane Hopkins, his wife ... 2 0

Margaret Buoland, servant ... 2 0

Walter Brenocke, Apothecary 14 0

Anne, his wife ... 20

Patricke Hannyne, servant ... 2 0

Charles Walters, Barbour ... 60

Margery, his wife ... 2 0

James Cranwell, servant ... 60

Anthony Marshall, butcher ... 2 0

Anstace, his wife ... 2 0
Anstace Kearney, a labouring woman 2 0

George Ardine, Shoemaker ... 60

Philip Smith, his servant ... 2 0

Anne, his wife ... 2 0

Edmond fflannagan, Barbour ... 60

Ralph Bertles, Inn Keeper ... 14 0

Anne, his wife ... 2 0

Ellinor Connell, servant ... 2 0

Katherine Cranwell, a soldiers wife 2 0

John Harper, shopkeeper ... 60

Jane, his wife ... 20

Joane Ryane, sevant ... . i 0

Edward Hutchinson, Gentleman 140

Richard Davies, his servant ... 20

James Hamilton, Esquire ... 200

Thomas Wheelewright, Merchant 14 0

John Harwood, Shopkeeper ... 14 0

Mary, his wife ... 2 0

Dorothy, his daughter ... 2 0

Joane, his daughter ... 20

Thomas Prichard, Shop Keeper 14 0

Sarah, his daughter ... 20

Thomas Williams, servant ... 20

Robert Craddocke, Taylor ... 60

Hester, his wife ... 2 0

Thomas Browne, Baker ... 60

Katherine, his wife ... 20

Nicholas Britton, servant ... 20

Mary Butler, servant ... 20

Richard Moore, Gentleman ... 140

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Edward Batty, Gentleman ... 140

John Moore, servant ... 20

Thomas Grace, servant ... 20

Nora, his wife ... 20

John Diggin, servant ... 2 0

History of Clonmel.

240

Names and
Sir Names.

Qualifications,

John Roe, servant
Edmond Hogane, servant
Thomazine Lobb, servant
Margery Tomer, servant
Joane Mullowny, servant
Ralph Henley, Cutler
Katherine, his wife
Thomas Spencer, his servant
Jane Jones, a soldiers wife
Thomas El well, Labourer
Elizabeth, his wife
James Halsey, Gentleman
Anne, his wife
Nicholas power, servant
Mary Waters, servant
Robert Carr, ffarmor
Sarah, his wife
Nathaniel 1 Carr, his sonne
Gilbert Trayer, husbandman
Elizabeth, his wife
John ffoster, labourer
Mary, his wife

Summes in

Figures.

£ s. d.

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

6 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

I 4 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

14 0

2 0

2 0

6 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

Names and
Sir Names.

Qualifications.

Mary, a soldiers wife, John Williams 2 0

Joseph Hughes, Butcher ... 6 0

Hannah, his wife ... 2 0

MacKane, his Cowboy ... 2 0

James Holmes, a poore Glover ... 2 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Mary Holland, a soldiers wife ... 2 0

Lyonell fford, Labourer ... 2 0

Mercy, his wife ... 2 0

Susanna Scott, his daughter in law 2 0

Charles Alcocke, Esquire ... 2 0 0

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

Mrs. Margt. Moyles, his sister in law 2 o

Edward Gough, servant ... 2 0

Morris power, servant ... 20

John Carroll, servant ... 2 0

William Bird, servant ... 2 0

Alice Bird, his wife ... 2 0

Katherine ffennell, servant ... 2 o

Alice Dennison, servant ... 2 0

Elizabeth Mort, servant 2 0

Elizabeth Rouse, widow ... 2 0

Sheely, a soldiers wife ... 2 0

Lyonell Silvester, Junr., poore taylor 2 o

Pettemell, his wife ... 2 0

Sarah Holloghane, a soldiers wife 2 0

Brian Clarke, Labourer ... 2 0

Owny Clarke, his wife ... 2 0

ifrancis Courtney, Smith ... 6 0

Alice, his wife ... 2 0

John Moore, servant ... 2 0

Hugh Malady, Aleseller ... 2 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

William Bradford, labourer ... 2 0

Summes in
Figures.
£ s. d

Anne, his wife ... 2 0

Elian Thornton, A soldiers wife 2 0

William Webb, Labourer ... 2 0

Ellis, his wife ... 2 0

Morris Nagle, Carpenter ... 2 0

Elian, his wife ... 2 0

Mary Offly, a soldiers wife ... 2 0

William Godfrey, Labourer ... 2 0

Mary, his wife ... 2 0

Joanne Gibbs, a soldiers wife ... 2 0

Katherine Stamp, a troopers wife 2 0

Henry Wainwright, Labourer ... 2 0

Anne, his wife ... 2 0

Nicholas Locker, servant ... 2 0

Elian Wall, servant ... 2 0

Thomas Low, Labourer ... 2 0

Anne, his wife ... 2 0
Samuell ffoley. Esquire ... 2 0 0

Elizabeth, his wife ... 2 0

Richard Madockes, servant ... 2 0

Thomas Butler, servant ... 2 0

Thomazin Windgate, servant ... 2 0

Mary Condon, servant ... 2 0

Walter Skehane, Smith ... 2 0

Anstace, his wife ... 20

Humphrey Jones, taylor ... 2 0

Elizabeth, his wife ... 2 0

Mary Acres, a soldiers wife ... 2 0

Geffroy Jenkins, Butcher ... 2 o

Elizabeth, his wife ... 20

William Streete, servant ... 2 0

Anstace Clensy, servant ... 2 0

George Carr, Shopkeeper ... 14 0

Elizabeth, his wife ... 20
John Carr, his father, Gentleman 140

Edward Bray, servant ... 20

Winifrid Mathewes, servant ... 20

ifrancis Thomas, Baker ... 60

Mary, his wife ... 20

Amy Cooper, servant ... 20

Ellinor Connell, servant ... 20
John Guraler, a poore bodyes maker 2 0

Richard Huett, Boatman ... 20

Mary, his wife' ... 20

Deliverance Yates, his mother 2 0

George Webber, a poore Glover 2 0

Elizabeth, his wife ... 20

Roc [51V] Wigmoore, servant ... 20

William Hanbury, Shopkeeper 14 0

Anne, his wife ... 20

Mary Hogan, servant ... 20

James Cooke, Labourer ... 20

Ellinor, his wife ... 20
Richard Hamerton, Gentleman 140

Sarah, his wife ... 20

Thomas Holder, servant ... 20

250

History of Clonmel.

"srs'a:^,. <^'""^- '7s^£

£ s. d.

William Vaughan, servant ... 2 0

Elizabeth Hamlen, servant ... 2 0

Katherine Daton, servant ... 2 0

Henry Shaw, servant ... 2 0

James Hackett, servant ... 2 0

Nicholas White, servant ... 2 0

Charles Blount, Esquire ... 2 0 0

Valentine, his wife ... 2 0

Mrs. Susan Blount, his kinswoman 2 0

William Hunt, servant ... 2 0

Morris Power, servant ... 2 0

Isabell Leynagh, servant ... 2 0

Ellinor Dal ton, servant ... 2 0

Joane Corban, servant ... 2 0

John flFryer, pewterer ... 14 0

Mary, ,his wife ... 2 0

James O Quynn, servant ... 20

Samuell Moore, servant ... 2 0

John flFoxton, Aleseller ... 60

Anne, his wife ... 2 0

Margaret White, his mother in law 2 0

Katherine Boorke, servant 2 0

John Power, servant 20

Enoch ffrances. Carrier 60

Joane, his wife ... 20

John Daniell, servant ... 2 0

Anthony Lawrence, ffamour ... 14 0

Amy, his wife ... 2 0

Sarah Warren, his mother in law 2 0

John Wharly, servant ... 2 0

Mary Kennedy, servant ... 2 0

Margaret Peacocke, a soldier's wife 2 0

Robert Cony, Boatman ... 2 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Alice Bamlett, widow ... 2 0

Thomas Monday, Dyer ... 60

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

John Mokes, flFelt-maker ... 60

Dorothy, his wife ... 2 0

John Nuell, servant ... 2 0

Richard Perrot, Gentleman ... I 4 0

Edith, his wife ... 2 0

Peter Rooth, servant ... 2 0

Edmond Hogane, servant ... 2 0

Peter Dolane, servant ... 20

David Connell, servant ... 2 0

Ellinor Butler, servant ... 2 0

Mary Murphy, a soldier's wife 2 0

Henry Loveday, Aleseller ... 60

Mary, his wife ... 2 0

Daniell McCragh, servant ... 20

Phillipa Cox, a trooper's wife ... 2 0

James Ashmoore, Labourer ... 2 0

Richard Phillips, Labourer ... 2 0

Ellinor, his wife ... 2 0

Joane Curran, servant ... 2 0

SX^f fi-'^'--- '"^eS!

£ s. d.

John Bennett, Merchant ... 6 0

James Kelly, Aleseller ... 60

Jane, his wife ... 2 0

John, his servant ... 2 0

William Lane, Aleseller ... 60

Anne, his wife ... 2 0

Edward Broody, servant ... 2 0

Nora Meagher, servant ... 2 0

George Derby, ... 60

Temperance, his wife ... 20

Jennings, his wife's brother 2 0

Katherine, his maid servant ... 2 0

Mary Hatley, a trooper's wife ... 2 0

Katherine Crosse,a petty ffarmor's I ^ n

widow ... )

William Thwaits, ... 60

Elizabeth, his wife ... 2 0

Edmond Kelly, his servant ... 20

Anne, his servant ... 2 0

George Collett, Glover ... 60

Elizabeth, his wife ... 2 0

John Collett, his sonn ... 2 0

ffrancis Collett, his sonn ... 2 0

George Collett, his sonn ... 2 0

Lyonell Silvester, senior, Sexton 2 0

Joane, his wife ... 2 0

Richard Dennison, ... 60

Mary, his wife ... 2 0

Katherine Swyney, servant ... 2 0

Allen Pockett, a tanner's widow 4 8

Richard Pockett, her sonne ... 2 0

Thomas Brassill, servant ... 2 0

Thomas Williams, Tanner ... 14 0

Richard Newman, servant ... 2 0

Walter Hayes, servant ... 2 0

Richard Gowen, Dyer ... 14 0

Rebecca, his wife ... 2 0

John Hacker, servant ... 20

John West, Aleseller ... 2 0

Alice, his wife ... 2 0

Mary Hanley, servant ... 2 0

* John Weekes, a poore Cooper ... 20

Susan, his wife ... 2 0

Elizabeth Sellin, ... 2 0

Ralph Chaderaft, Innholder ... 14 0

Elizabeth, his wife ... 20

Thomas Wynn, servant ... 2 0

William Barry, servant ... 20

Phillipa Lloyd, servant ... 2 0

James Sturzeear, a petty ffarmour 6 0

Anne, his wife ... 20

Edward Commerford, Merchant 14 0

Christopher Portingall, ... 60

Henry Headley, Slater ... 60

Richard Stapers, Esquire ... 2 0

[Charged at Kilteynane, Midlethird.]

History of Clonmel.

251

West Suburbs of Clonmell.

Names and
Sir Names,

Qualifications.

2 0

Summes in
Figures.
£ s. d.

Teige Roe, Labourer ... 2 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Thomas ffinusie. Smith ... 2 0

Onnora, his wife ... 2 0

Teige Hurley, servant ... 2 0

James ffinusie, Labourer ... 2 0

Juan, his wife ... 2 0

John Baron, Labourer ... 2 0

Katherine Barron, his wife 2 0

John Power, Broagmaker ... 6 0

Richard Power, his servant ... 2 0

John Bime, Broagmaker ... 2 0 j

James Brittin, his servant ... 2 o|

John Grant, Labourer ... 2 0

Anne, his wife ... 2 0

William Kennedy, a poore Broag-1
maker ...J

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

Donnogh Lonergan, Glouer ... 2 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Edward Laffan, Yeoman ... 14 0

Christian, his wife ... 2 0

Mary Wale, servant ... 2 0

Mary Teige, servant ... 20

Laurence Wailsh, Merchant ... 14 0

Margarett, his wife ... 2 0

Nicholas White, his servant ... 2 0

Edmond Butler, servant ... 2 0

Margaret Deady, servant ... 2 0

Thomas Deady, broagmaker ... 60

William Brazill, Yeoman ... 14 0

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

Katherine ny Teige, his servant 2 0

Theobald Butlere, Taylor ... 60

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

Patricke Comerforde, Labourer 2 0

Onora, his wife ... 2 0

Joane Baron, a poore widow ... 2 0

Edmond Daniell, husbandman ... 60

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

Cahill Linsie, his servant ... 2 0

Constance Daniell, Labourer ... 20

Patrick Donnoghow, Yeoman ... 14 0

Ellen, his wife ... 20

Thomas Donnoghow, servant ... 2 0

Juan Bawne, servant ... 20

Gillian English, servant ... 2 0

Margaret Dwyer, widow ... 2 0

Teige Merry, his servant ... 20

Ann White, widow ... 20

Margaret White, her servant ... 2 0

Thomas Skanlane, Labourer ... 2 0

Anstase, his wife ... 20

Names and
Sir Names.

Qualifications.

Summes in
Figures.

£ s. d

Margaret Roch, widow ... 2 0

Katherine Clevane, a poore widow 2 0

Juan Condon, Labouring woman 2 0

Margaret Donnilly, Labouring woman 2 0

Richard Dunn, a poore Cobler ... 2 0

Bridgett, his wife ... 2 0

John Wall, a poore taylor ... 2 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

John Conway, Labourer ... 2 0

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

John ffling, a poore ould Tincker 2 0

Elian, his wife ... 2 0

Dauid ffinusie. Labourer ... 2 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

William Boorke, Cottner ... 60

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Laurence power, Broagmaker ... 6 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Thomas Cravan, a poore Weaver 2 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Luke Hackett, Tobaccomonger 6 0

Juane, his wife ... 2 0

William McConnor, a poore labourer 2 0

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

William Phellan, Labourer ... 2 0

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

James McPhillip, tobaccomonger 6 o

Ellen, his wife ... 2 0

Phillip McEdmond, Labourer ... 2 0

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

Thomas Boorke, Labourer ... 2 0

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

Bernard ffinusie. Carrier ... 60

Elian, his wife ... 2 0

Edmond Connell, husbandman... 6 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Edmond Doody, servant ... 2 0

Juane ,Ny Connor, servant ... 2 0

Phillip ODivane, a poore Weaver 6 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Ellen ny Mary, a poore Widow 2 0

Margaret Mahoney, Spinster ... 2 0

Juane, her servant ... 20

Patrick Ederton, a poore Butcher 2 0

Mary, his wife ... 2 0

Thomas Methane, Labourer ... 2 0

Juan, his wife 2 0

JfohnSharuchan, Weaver ... 6 0

Margt., his wife ... 2 0

Thomas Phellane, Labourer ... 2 0

Ellen, his wife ... 2 0

Owen, his servant ... 2 0

Dominicke Bluett, husbandman 6 0

262

History of Clonmel.

Names and
Sir Names,

Qualifications,

Katherine, his wife

Richard Power, servant

Laghlin Ryan, Labourer

Katherine, his ^fe

Connor McTeige, Labourer

Sarah, his wife

Edmond Meagher, Labourer

Mary, his wife

William Hannyne, Labourer ..

Onora, his wife

Teige Kennedy, Labourer

Margaret, his wife

Daniel] Carroll, Labourer

Sarah, his wife

Richard Daniell, Labourer

Juane, his wife

Thomas Esmond, Labourer

Gillian, his wife

Richard Condon, Carrier

Mary, his wife

Richard Kearne, Labourer

Katherine^ his wife

Gullypatricke Grady, Labourer..

Juan, his wife

William Clovane, Labourer

Juan, his wife

Thomas White, Labourer

Ellen, his wife

Summes in
Figures.

£ s. d.

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

6 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

6 0

Anstace Cravan, a Labouring woman 2 0

John Mc Williams, Mason ... 6 0

Thomas Mc Williams ... 6 0

Margaret, his wife ... 20
Thomas McRichard, Tobacco- 1

monger ... f

Anstase, his wife ... 2 0

John Comnaerford, Labourer ... 2 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Katherine Gerraldine, widow ... 48

Juan Shea, her servant ... 2 0

William Hennessie, her servant 2 0

James Brenocke, Yeoman ... 14 0

Catherine, his wife ... 2 0

John CafFee, his servant ... 20

Juan fitz James, servant ... 2 0

Thomas White, servant ... 2 0

Mathew Brennock, sonn to the| - n

said James * .../

Margaret Wale, a poore widow 2 0

Edmond Kennedy, Labourer ... 2 0

Katherine, his wife ... 20

John Kennedy, Broagmaker ... 60

Names and
Sir Names,

Qualifications,

Ellis, his wife
Ellin fitz Edward, Servant
Dennis Egan, Labourer
Anstace, his wife
William Boy, servant
Kotherine Corr, widow
Juan, her daughter

Margaret ny Bryne, Labouring!
woman .../

James Gorman, a poore taylor
Margaret, his wife
William Egan, Tobaccomonger
Katherine, his wife
Thomas Power, Tobaccomonger
Ellinor, his wife
James Sheine, servant
Katherine Connor, servant
George Sherlocke, Tobaccomonger
Edmond English, Labourer
Ellis, his wife

John Cahill, a poore Glover
Anstace, his wife

Margaret White, a Labouring woman
Mary Grady, a poore widow
Katherine Roche, widow
Symon Harford, husbandman ...
Donnogh McGrath, Labourer ...
Ellis, his wife
William Meagher, Smith
Mary, his wife
Mary fitz James, widow
Richard Keatinge, a poore butcher
Margaret, his wife
James Archer, Labourer
Bridgett, his wife
Mortagh Quirke, Labourer
Ellis, his wife
Thomas Hickie, Labourer
Katherine, his wife
Gilliam Walsh, widow
Teige MacShane, Labourer
Juan, his wife

Thomas Shallovey, his servant
Teige Carroll, Labourer
Ellen, his wife
John Barry, foot post
Margarett, his wife
Nicholas Barron, Constable
Joane, his wife
Robert ffleminge, servant
Ellis Duan, servant

Summes in
Figures,
£ s, d.
2 0
2 0
2 0
2 0
2 0

4 8

2 0

North Suburbs of Clonmell.

Murtagh Divane, poore Cottner 6 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

William Mullryan, Labourer
Ellen, his wife

:.}

2 0

2 0

2 0

6 0

2 0

6 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

6 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

6 0

2 0

2 0

6 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

2 0

4 O

History of Clonmel.

253

Names and
Sir Names,

Qualifications.

Nicholas White, Tobaccomonger

Elian, his wife

Daniel Molloghane, Carrier

Juan, his wife

James MoUoghane, servant

John Lawles, servant

Ellish Wall, spinster

Mary Cott, spinster

Thomas Pryce, Victualler

Elizabeth, his wife

Mary Hicky, servant

Victor White, polty flFarmour

Katherine, his wife

Anne White, servant

Juan Morrish, spinster

Dorothy Kennedy, spinster

Margaret Hennessy, spinster

John Phelane, Labourer

Catherine, his wife

Morris Dooly, broagmaker

Vny, his wife

Teig Michane, Labourer

Katherine, his wife

Teig Brian, Labourer

Marg*- his wife

John Shea, Labourer

Katherine, his wife

Daniell Tiemy, Labourer

Joan, his wife

John Kelly, Carrier

his wife

James Keathing, Labourer

Thomas Punt, Labourer

Juan, his wife

John Mary, Labourer

Onor, his wife

Thomas Dwyer, Glover

Joane, his wife

Teige McKnogher, Carrier

Anastase, his wife

Redmond McMorrish, servant

Katherine fitz Nicholas, servant

Tho Merry, Journeyman taylor

Juane, his wife

John McHugh, tobacco seller

Katherine, his wife

William Neale, servant

Joane, his maid

Edmond purcell & Elian his wife

Butcher
William Cnoghy, Labourer
Knogher purcell, servant
Mary Meagher, servant
Ellin fitz Gerald, Charwoman

Summes in
Figures,
d.

£ s,

6

6
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2

8

2

2
2
2

4
6

2

8

2
2

4
8

2
2

i6

2

4
2

4 0

8 0

4 0

4 0

4 0

4 0

8 0

2 0

4 0

0
0

0

0

0
0

0

0

0

0

Names and
Sir Names.

Qualifications.

Denis Sexton, Miller

Ellinor, his wife

Henry Kennedy, Labourer

katherine, his wife

William Spillane, broagmaker .. .

Katherine, his wife

Thomas Lonnergane, servant ...

Donnogh Kennedy, servant

Jasper Portingall, Merchant

Joane, his wife

Thomas Quiffe, servant

Sheely Meagher, servant

Joane ny Shane, spinster

Ellen Newman, yeomans widow

Edmond Durie, Labourer

Nora Headine, servant

Phillip Dogane, servant

Donnell Carrine, Labourer

Redmond Keathinge, Carryer ...

Ellis, his wife

Tho. Holane, Labourer

Ellen, his wife

Laghlin Skehane, Smith

Margaret, his wife

Katherine Cahesy, servant

Ellin Phelane, Charwoman

Teige Hally, Labourer

Sarah Qurke, Charwoman

Teige Agherine, Labourer

Juan, his wife

John Phellane, Labourer

Ellane, his wife

John ffennell, Labourer

Katherine, his wife

John Dwyer, Labourer

More, his wife

David Triskane, Labourer

Katherine, his wife

Teige Cary, Gunstocker

Margaret Cahesy, Charwoman

John 6 Neale, Labourer

Margaret, his wife

John McMorrish, poore butcher

John Heany, Labourer

Margaret, his wife

William Molloghan, Labourer ...

Grace, his wife

Richard Wale, Labourer

Margaret, his wife

Thomas ffleming. Labourer

Bane, his wife

Nicholas Quiffe, Labourer

Margaret QuiflFe, his wife

Summes in
Figures,
d.

£ s.
4

4

8

2
2

14

2
2
2
2

4

2
2
2
2
6
2

4 0
8 0

4 0

0
0
0

4 0

2 0
2 0

4

2

4

4 0

4 0

4 0

2 0
2 0

254

History of Clonmel.

East Suburbs of Clonmell.

Names and
Sir Names,

Qualifications.

Summes in
Figures,

Robert Lynane, Carrier

Katherine, his wife

Teig MuUryan, labourer

Katherine, his wife

Andrew White, Taylor

Onnor, his wife

Nicholas Geyton, Labourer

Ellen, his wife

Toby Purcell, Stockenmaker

Katherine, his wife

Margaret Clere, servant

Donnogh Carran, Mason

More, his wife

James Cahyr, Porter

Onnor, his wife

Thomas Mangan, Mettleman ..

Katherine, his wife

Phillip Mohollo^ghane, Labourer

Margaret, his wife

James Mary, porter

Margaret, his wife

John Mary, Glover

Katherine, his wife

Paul Goyny, Boatman

Katherine, his wife

John Walsh, Labourer

Katherine, his wife

Katherine Phelane, widow

Robert Brenocke, Labourer

Grany, his wife

George Conway, Labourer

Elizabeth Gauny, widow

Mathew Wall, Labourer

Ellish, his wife

Dauid Cleere, Weaver

Katherine, his wife

Thomas Cleere, his sonne

Katherine, his wife

Toby Nash, Labourer

Ellish, his wife

Morrish Eustas, Labourer

Ellen, his wife

Ony Gullypole, servant

£ s.
6
2

2
2
2
2
2
2

6

2
2
6
2
2
2
6
2
2
2
2
2
6
2

6

2

2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
6
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2

Names and
Sir Names.

Qualifications,

Patricke Cahesy, Weaver

Unny, his wife

John Cahesy, servant

Symon Connery, Labourer

Ellin, his wife

Connor DufTe, Labourer

Ellish, his wife

Nicholas Lahyffe, poore Mettleman

Ellin, his wife

Thomas Reyley, Carpenter

Anstas, his wife

Thomas Murphy, Labourer

Katherine, his wife

Nicholas Quott, Labourer

Katherine, his wife

Katherine Neale, Labourer [sic]

Edward Langton, Labourer

Katherine, his wife

Katherine Slattery, servant

Katherine Hoare, a soldiers wife

Richard Betts, Constable

Margarett, his wife

James Headen, Cottner

Ellen, his wife

John McOwne, Labourer

Joane, his wife

Edmond Brenocke, Labourer

Ellen, his wife

Teige Dullany, porter

Joane, his wife

Walter Walch, Cottner

Joane, his wife

John Brenocke, Carrier

Anstas, his wife

Ellen Meagher, servant

Derby Dowle, a poore Cottner

Anne, his wife

John Waylsh, servant

William Morisshy, Taylor

Joane, his wife

James Wall, mettleman

Joane, his wife

Katherine Cantwell, servant

Summes in
Figures,
£ s. d.
6

John ffowler. Miller
Amne, his wife
Thomas Dowgin, Miller
John Mullynex, servant
Margaret, his wife
James Cooke, Ale Seller
Alice, his wife

South Suburbs of Clonmell.

2 0 Thomas Daniell, servant

2 0 Onnor, his maid servant

2 0 Juane purcell, widow

2 0 Thomas Hart, Slater

2 0 I Juan, his wife

6 0 James Davyne, his servant

2 0 William Demsy, Labourer

2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2

6

2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
2
6
2
2
2
6

2
2
2
6
2
6

2
2
2
2
2
6
2
2
2
2

2
2
2

6

2
2
2

History of Clonmel.

255

Names and n^.^ti^.-^fi^^^ Summes in
Sir Names, Q^^ficatwns, ^^^^^

£ 5. d,

Ss^rah, his wife ... 2 0

Daniell Swyney, porter ... 2 0

Elian, his wife ... 2 0

Mortagh Hogane, boatman ... 6 0

Margaret, his wife ... 2 0

Edmond Hogane, ffish monger 6 0

Ellen, his wife ... 2 0

Teige Meagher, his servant ... 2 0

Thomas Power, broagmaker ... 6 0

Ellen, his wife ... 2 0

Thomas Toben, Labourer ... 2 0

Elian, his wife ... 2 0

Thomas White, porter ... 2 0

Ellen, his wife ... 2 0

Peter Stephens, G)nstable ... 2 0

Ellen, his wife ... 2 0

John Powhill, Labourer ... 2 0

Elian, his wife ... 2 0

Edmond Hackett, Glover ... 6 0

Juane, his wife ... 2 0

Willm Quirke, Labourer ... 2 0

Anastace White, Spenster ... 2 0

Morrish Buoghilly, Labourer ... 2 0

Anastace, his wife ... 2 0

Luke Quirke, Labourer ... 2 0

Margarett, his wife ... 2 0

Thomas Kennedy, poore broagmaker 2 0

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

Teige Cahesy, G)bler ... 2 0

Juane, his wife ... 2 0

Teige Dullany, Broagmaker ... 6 0

Names and
Sir Names,

Qualifications,

Summes in
Figures.

jt s. d,

Isabell, his wife ... 2 0

Walter Hickes, Tucker ... 2 0

Besse, his wife ... 2 0

Walter Morrissie, Labourer ... 2 0

Margarett, his wife ... 2 0

James Mandeville, Labourer ... 2 0

Mangaret, his wife ... 2 0

Paul Brenocke, Labourer 2 0

Katherine, his wife 2 0

Juan, his maid ... 2 0

Roger Hally, Carrier ... 6 0

Juane, his wife ... 20

Thomas McGullypatricke, Labourer 2 o

Giles, his wife ... 20

John Gullypatrick, Labourer ... 2 0

Anne, his wife ... 2 0

WilliamSt. John, his servant ... 2 0

Mahowne O Mulrian, Labourer 2 0

Owny, his wife ... 2 0

Roger Quinlin, butcher ... 2 0

Juan, his wife ... 2 0

William McOwny, Labourer ... 2 0

Donnogh Hasey, Labourer ... 2 0

Katherine, his wife ... 2 0

Edward Bagh, Gardner ... 6 0

Juan, his wife ... 2 0

Owny O Mulryan, his servant 2 0

Mahowne O Bryen, Labourer ... 2 0

Mary, his wife ... 20

James Brassill, Cooper ... 2 0

Margarett, his wife ... 2 0

SETTLEMENT OF l666.

Holdings.
Garden
Malt house and thatcht

house
thacht house and garden

waste tenement
house

house and garden
thacht house and garden
waste tenement and ...
garden

slated house ...

Blind Street.

Present Possessors.
Edmund Daniell
Mr. Cole ...

Richard Hamerton ..

John Charpe
John ffryer
Joan Cleyton
Edmund Vinn

{Joan McGilfoyle
Mr. Bayly

Late Possessors.
Thomas Prendergast
Nicholas White fitz Henry

Nicholas and Solomon

White.
Solomon White
Nicholas White
Stephen White
Stephen White
Catherine Stritch

(Michael White, formerly
\ Lord Caher

256

HISTORY OF CLONMEL.

Holdings,

house slated

house slated

house slated
side.

house slated
side.

and back-

and back-

HiGH Street.

Present Possessors,
Thomas Browne
George Harden
Robert Cradock

Widow Harper
Robert Price

or

house and backhouse
slated

■hach. hous», house slated {^''^^Se te'At"

waste tenement ... Thomas peackett

slate house, garden and Walter Brenock
orchard.

slate house

\

slate house
house and garden

thacht house and garden

thacht house and garden
house slated and garden ^

thacht house and waste
tenement.

slated house and back-
house.

house slated and backside

slated house

slated house

slated house

house slated, backside and
garden.

house slated

house slated and back-
house.

garden

house slated and another
thacht.

ffrancis Hopkins
ffrancis Hopkins
Edmund Wright

John and James
Brenock

Richard Whitehand
Robert Lovelady . . .

Late Possessors.
Michael White
Thomas Butler
James Mulrony

f Thomas White fitz Benet
\ and Nicholas White fitz
I Benet

(Thomas White fftz Benet
• and John White fitz
Benet

r Thomas White fitz
I Michael

Edmund Bray

Thomas White
Michael

Thomas White
Michael

Nicholas White
Henry

Nicholas White fitz
Henry

Nicholas White fitz
Henry

Thomas Roth
Thomas Roth

fitz

fitz

fitz

Robert Thompson ... Thomas Roth

Thomas Williams ...

Charles House

Gilbert if ryer

r Thomas Moake and
ijohn Parker

Richard Settleworth

Robert Carvell
Richard Rickett ...

Richard Settleworth
Edmund fflanegan ...

Michael Bray
Geoffry White
Geoffry White

{William LincoU and
Nicholas Mulrony

John Leech and John
Wallis

John Lee
John Lee

John Lee
Lord Cahir

History of Clonmel.

257

Holdings,

house slated, thacht house 1
and garden. j

house slated, part in Bridge
Street.

house slated and waste
and thacht house.

two houses slated and
thacht house.

house slated and thacht
house.

garden adjoyning the ...
churchyard.

house slated

house slated

house slated

house slated

waste plott

house slated, garden and
thacht house.

two houses slated and
stable.

house slated and backside

house slated

house slated

house slated ...

house slated and lime yard

house slated and garden
thacht house ...
thacht house ...

house thacht and waste

waste ...
house slated

house slated

stable ...

Present Possessors.
' William Waytes
Richard Baron

Thomas Turpin

Henry Loveday

Richard pickett

Richard pickett

Sarah Warren
Anthony Laurence
John ffryers
John Sexton
Mrs. Blount
Mrs. Blount

Richard Hamerton .

f James Cooke and
(William Manghan

Jeoffry Jenkins
flFrancis Thomas
George Can-
George Carr

LOUGH Street.

Edward Batty
Edward Batty
William Henbury .

William Henbury .

William Henbury .<
John Clarke

John Clarke

John Clarke

Late Possessors.

fjohn White fitz Henry
I and Patrick Walsh

Nicholas Baron
John White fitz Henry
John White fitz Richard
Michael White

John White fitz Benet
Patrick Walsh
Edward Bray
John White fitz Laurence
Richard Mullroney
John Weite fitz Benet

Thomas White fitz
Michael

Andrew Bray and David
White, heires

James Mulrony

Thomas Creagh

Nicholas White fitz
Geoff ry

John White fitz Benet

John White fitz Benet

Thomas White fitz
Richard

Thomas White fitz
Richard

Richard White

Thomas White fitz
Mathew

Thomas White fitz
Richard

Thomas White fitz
Richard

^^^

History of Clonmel.

Holdings,
house slated

two waste tenements, etc.

house slated ...

two houses slated andl

brewhouse. J

waste tenement and
garden.

house slated waste and ...
garden.

thacht house and waste...

house slated and two
gardens.

garden

thacht house and garden

waste tenements

garden

two houses slated, two
houses thacht and
garden.

three houses slated, thacht
house and garden.

house slated and backside

house slated, backside
court and garden.

two houses slated, court
and garden.

garden

garden and waste

house thacht backside

and garden,
house slated, thacht house

and stable.

Present Possessors.
Richard Eyland

Capt. ffolie
Charles Alcock

Charles Alcock

Bishop of Waterford

Widow if ord

Thomas Jones

fDeane Gore now
I Bishop of Waterford

Deane Gore

Henry Ansell

John Walsh

John Batty

I

Mr. Witten

Deane Gore

Deane Gore
Samuel Ladyman

Mr. Ladyman

Mr. Ladyman
Mr. Ladyman

}ffrancis Browne
Richard Moore

Late Possessors.

Thomas White fitz
Richard

Edward Bray

James ffagan

f Richard White fitz Peter
1 and Edmund Bray

Thomas White fitz
Richard

James ffagan

/John Newman and James
I Wall

Theodore Butler

John English
John English
Nicholas White fitz Henry
Nicholas White fitz Henry

Nicholas White fitz Henry

James Mulrony

Patrick Walsh
David White

Nicholas White fitz Henry

Thomas White

William Swyne

^William Swinny, Thomas
Rooth & Thomas White,
Nicholas White and
Thomas White fitz Benet

Saint Maryes Streete.

waste, house slated
three gardens

cabin and forge

thacht cabin ...

house and kiln house
slated and garden

and James Hoomes

John Bayly

Richard Peryman
alias Perry

Peter Butler

Nicholas White

Edmund Brown

Thomas White fitz Michael

and Henry Con-
John Stretch

HISTORY OF CLONMEL.

259

Holdings,
house slated
malt house, etc.
malt house, etc.
garden

Present Possessors.
William Stydell
Roger Coale
Robert Lovelace
Deane Gore

a poore house formerly belonging to the poore

house thacht and garden

house slated and garden

waste and garden

house thacht ...

garden

house slated and backside

house slated backside and
garden

house slated

house thacht, stable, etc.

house slated

Robert Lovelace
Richard Taylor
Richard Taylor
Mrs. Pettyhoone
Edmund Daniell
Edmund Daniell
James Hoone

Gyles Maron
Edward Hill

Late Possessors,
Nicholas White fitz Henry
Nicholas White fitz Henry
John White fitz Benet

William Lincoll
John Butler
James if agan
James ffagan
James ffagan
Henry Con-
Nicholas White

John English
Thomas Donoghue
Nicholas White fitz Henry

house slated ...

house slated and backside

thacht house ...

kiln

house thacht ...
house slated and kiln ...
house slated and garden
three houses slated

NORTH Lane.

Richard Perry
William Quirke

Coll : Booker
ffrancis Rawbone
Coll: Booker
Bryan Reynolds
Coll: Booker

Nicholas White
John White
Nicholas White
Nicholas White
John Bray

Patrick Prendergast
Stephen White
Nicholas White

Middle Row.

house slated
house slated
house slated and garden

thacht house ...
thacht house ...

thacht house ...

Lord Cahir

Ralph Chadraft

William Moakes
Edward Griffith

{Richard Perriman
alias Perry

Richard Leynach
Nicholas White

Nicholas White

Nicholas White

Nicholas White

and

^bQ

History of Clonmel.

West

Holdings,

waste house

house slated and garden

waste tenements

house slated ...

house slated

thatcht house ...

house slated and thatcht
house

thatcht house and garden

house slated ...

waste

waste house

house slated

house slated

house slated

Gate Lane or Streete.

Present Possessors.
John Weste
John Weste
Widow Pickett
John Staper
Widow Pickett
Widow Pickett
Richard Dennison

George CoUett
George CoUett
Thomas Batty
Thomas Batty
Thomas Batty
Thomas Batty
Henry Coale

Late Possessors.
Patrick Gough
John Bray
Nicholas White
Nicholas White fitz Henry
Nicholas White
John White fitz Edward
Nicholas White

John White
William Lynach
William Lyn?ich
William Lynach
William Lynach
William Lynach
William Lynach

house slated
house slated

Bridge Streete.

Edward Comerford
Humphrey Jones

castle and waste tene- Thomas Batty
ments

A my 11

stable

Coll: Booker

Thomas Turpin

Michael White fitz John
Nicholas White
Nicholas White

Thomas White fitz
Mathew

Richard Mullroney

house slated

house slated

thatcht house
thatcht house
malt house

Shamell's Lane.
Ignatius Lane

John White

ffrancis Thomas
Richard Hamerton
Captain ffolie

two houses and backside Nicholas White

Thomas White fitz
Mathew

Thomas White fitz
Mathew

John White fitz Benet

Lord Cahir

John White fitz Benet

Thomas White fitz
Mathew

History of clonmel.

261

Holdings,
thacht house ...
two houses slated
house slated

BOATE STREETE.
Present Possessors.
James Cooke
Capt. ffolie
Thomas Lee

castle and house slated Henry Wainwright

Late Possessors,

William Lincolne

John White fitz Benet

Nicholas White fitz Henry

(Nicholas White fitz and
I John White fitz Benet

SHEELANE Streete.

waste, thatcht cabins ...

John Davys

... Nicholas White

thatcht cabin and garden

John Sheerman

... Nicholas White

thatcht house and garden

Walter ff ryers

fEdmond Bray and
•" I Patrick Neuraghan

thatcht cabin ...

John Jones

... Edmund Bray

house slated ...

Mr. Derby

... James Wall

garden

Mr. Derby

... Edmund Bray

house slated ...

Mr. Derby

... Thomas White fitz
Richard

house slated ...

Thomas Salter

Thomas White and
"1 James Wall

house slated ...

John Hayward

. . . George Conway

thatcht house ...

Hugh MuUady

John White fitz Benet
"* I and Lord Cahir

waste

Edmund Batty

. . . William Ly nach

kiln

Edward Batty

Ffort.

... Edmund Bray

waste ...

Captain Smyth

. . . John White fitz Benet

house slated

Captain Smyth

... James ffagan

waste

Captain Smyth

... James ffagan

waste

Captain Smyth

... Patrick Walsh

house slated ...

Captain Smyth

... Thomas White

waste

Captain Smyth

... Nicholas and Thomas
White

house slated ...

Captain Smyth

... James ffagan

waste

Captain Smyth

... John White fitz Benet

waste

Captain Smyth

... Thomas White fitz
Richard

house slated ...

Captain Smyth

... James Mulrony

garden

Captain Smyth

^b%

History of Clonmel.

Holdings.
little mill and house
tuck mill
corn mill

hole mill alias millenfoyle
ffahen mill and house ...
Streaches Island
thatcht cabin ...
cabin
cabin
cabin
cabin
waste

Bridge.

Present Possessors.
Robert Lovelace
Robert Lovelace

John Staper
Captain Smyth
James Bryan
Widow Bath
Daniel Haley
Thomas Duggan
Michael Coole

Late Possessors,

Lord Cahir

Also all such benefitt and advantage of Commonadge in the Commons
of the said town of Clonmel as the inhabitants of the severall houses afore-
said had therein on the three and twentieth day of October which was in the
yeare of Our Lord one thousand, six hundred forty and one, other then what
is set out to the adventurers and soldiers, and their heires and assigns
possessed on the seventh day of May which was in the year of Our Lord one
thousand six hundred fifty and nine.

Ohaptor XIII.

ST. MARTS CHURCH.

CHE history of St. Mary's begins with that of the town itself. The
canonical dedication was the "Church of the Assumption of the
Blessed Virgin Mary," but the popular appellation was " Our Ladye
of Clonmell." Inspired with devotion to the Blessed Virgin the
Anglo-Normans erected in Clonmel as elsewhere a shrine in her honour fo).
Of the original fabric not a vestige is now existing. Fortunately, however,
when in 1857 ^^e present structure was being put up, skilled antiquarians
recorded the discoveries made. A few feet below the floor of the present
church the entire area appeared to be paved with old monuments. Fragments
of ancient "Edwardian cross-slabs, some of them with portions of inscriptions,
had been used in the foundations of the piers of the work lately demolished.
This fact combined with the discovery of many fragments of early English
sculpture, shows that the perpendicular church which came down to our day,
was rebuilt on the site and with the materials of an earlier church. What
was more curious still was the discovery, beneath the foundation of one of
the piers, of a skeleton buried with the head to the east, a wooden cross on
the breast, and very perfect leathern buskins on the feet ornamented with
rosettes " fp).

The early English church whose remains were thus discovered, belonged,
to the period of Richard de Burgh, and probably therefore, was erected by
the great justiciar pari passu with Athassel. The general plan was not
unlike that priory church, and the dimensions were almost certainly those of

fo) Compare the present Notre Dame de Rouen, Notre Dame de Paris.
(p) Kilkenny Arclutohgicul Journal, 1856-7, p. 360.

264 History of Clonmel.

the church subsequently built in the fifteenth century. It had a nave and

aisles, a long choir, and possibly transepts iq). The fate of this fine old

church we gather from the preamble of a grant to the citizens by James Earl

of Ormond, in 1385. Irish enemies and English rebels had so harassed the

people by unjust imposts that —

By reason of them the citizens of CJonmel have been unable to repair the bridge,
towers and fortifications thereof, and to maintain divine service in the accustomed
manner in their parish church, so that the said town may fall into the hands of the
enemy unless speedy redress is granted.

In the event the graceful arcade, the clustered column, the high-pitched
roof disappeared, and a structure esthetically inferior, half church, half
fortress, was raised on the old foundations. Yet this late fourteenth-century
church, which came down to our own days, was not without a quaint
picturesqueness of its own. If it lacked the dignity of height, yet the long
roof line broken by stepped battlements, was some compensation. Interiorly
too the square piers and plain arches, destitute even of a chamfer, bespoke
quiet strength, and afforded fine masses of shadow. But its redeeming feature
was the pair of noble windows in the chancel and west front. Not even the
" restoration " craze of 1805 and 1857 could put these away. They are there
still, almost the sole memorials of the pre-Reformation church.

The tracery of the two windows is in motive and execution similar to the
contemporary work in Holy Cross and Kilcooly. The west window containing
what is known as " net tracery," is, except in its smaller size, identical with
the chancel window of Holy Cross. The great five-light east window is one
of the best examples of a phase of Gothic which had more kinship with
France than with England. The exact counterpart may be seen in the ruined
Dominican abbey at Cashel, and details in the chapels of Holy Cross. The
flowing lines with their many cusps are strongly suggestive of early flam-
boyant, and altogether removed from the perpendicular Gothic then being
developed in England (r).

Scarcely less deplorable than the loss of the old church, was the
destruction of the ancient monuments. The burgher families for generations
were buried beneath the shadow of St. Mary's, or within the building itself.

(q) The present tower would seem to occupy the site of a south transept. The plan of St. Mary's
was the gridiron one (the long choir forming the handle) usually followed by the early settlers.
Some examples may be seen in the neighbouring county at Thomastown and Gowran.

(r) The arms quartered in the spandrils of the sedilia of Holy Cross afford a clue to the date —
closing years of the fourteenth century — which corresponds with the date above given for the re-
building of Clonmel church. In Hall's Ireland is a small woodcut which shows the battlemented
roof previous to the " restoration " of 1857. The writer obtained many particulars of the old church
from the late Dr. Hemphill who, though not an architectural expert, had sympathetically and
accurately noted them.

History of Clonmel, 265

Not a few notable ecclesiastics, also, and barons of historic name found their
last resting place there. But the memorials which the church bore of them
have nearly all disappeared. In the south aisle stood an altar dedicated to
St. Michael the Archangel, the aisle itself being the chapel or chantry of the
White family. There they prayed in life, and at their death their bodies
rested beneath its pavement Henry White, "burgess of the towne of
Clonemell," made his will in 1577. " ffirst I comend my soule to God almyghty
through the merits of Christes passion and the intercession of his blessed
Mother, the Virgin Mary, and the holy company of heaven, and my boddie
to be buryed in the sepulture of mine auncestors within the parish church of
ClonemeirV^A Henry White fitz Thomas in 1614 commends his soul to
" thalmyghtie God, the Blessed Virgin Mary, and the hole [whole] company
of heaven, my bodye to be buryed in myne ancestors buriall within Saint
Michaell's Chappell in the parish church of Clonmell aforesaid " (t), James
White fitz Robert in 1622 commends " my soule to Almightie God my maker
and redeemer, and my body to be buryed in the sepulture of my ancestors
within the parish church of Clonmell " (u). This James was, it seems, the
last buried within the ancestral " sepulture." Nineteen years before, on the
death of Queen Elizabeth, Catholic service had been performed in the church,
and Father James White, Vicar Apostolic of Waterford, had offered Mass
there. But in the interval Protestantism had become firmly established. St.
Mary's had passed irrevocably from the Catholics, and the Whites would not
commit their bodies to desecrated soil. Accordingly on the death of Nicholas,
the head of the family, in 1622, his widow began the erection of a mortuary
chapel immediately adjoining the south aisle, the old place of interment
This appears to have been completed lOth May, 1623, and on 23rd December
following, the body was- exhumed and re-interred in the new chapel. A
manuscript of 1813 in the Public Record Office, gives the following account
of the White Chapel.

In the summer of 1805 the chapel belonging to the White family (the ancient
proprietors of Clonmel) which joined the south-west comer [of the church], was thrown
down. This chapel was built upon vaults, and against its southern wall inside was
erected the family tomb and monument in form of a Roman Catholic Altar, at which,
it is said, their chaplain was accustomed to celebrate Mass. About ten feet from the
ground and over the tomb, was the arms of the Whites— an escutcheon bearing three
roses and the following distich,

Et Trias est Numero et natura est una colorum
En ubi PRiEsiDiuM Vrrus et arma locat.

(s) Prerogative Wills, P.R.O.
(t) Ibid.
(u) Ibid.

266 History of Clonmel.

Below,this were ornaments of stone work like a canopy, on small marble pillars and
in the centre a long Latin inscription. Nothing remains now of this chapel but the
tomb and vaults beneath, the stones bearing these inscriptions together with several
other of its ornaments having being conveyed to a place called Patrick's Well about a
mile to the west of Clonmel to mend an old Roman Catholic Church for several years
in ruins in a most romantic valley on the estate of Simmons Sparrow Esq. (v).

To a recent writer we owe a more graceful if less detailed description.

At the south-west comer of the present church of St. Mary, a little ecclesiastical
edifice, in correct architectural style, stood for centuries, and was known as the private
chapel of the White family. It cannot be more than seventy or eighty years since its
removal, after it had become unroofed, and had fallen into complete decay. The
appearance it presented in its ruined stage, was described to us not long since by one
who remembered to have looked when a boy through its broken windows. He saw the
long grass and rank vegetation that choked up the interior, hiding partly from view the
richly sculptured«tombs and tablets which, in silent language, seemed to tell the old,
old story — "Sic transit gloria mundi"! Some of these monuments were carried ofT to
enrich other buildings, while the western window in the present porch of St. Mary's,
once lighted the ancient chapel of the Whites (w).

From the foregoing accounts, and the fragments existing at St. Patrick's
Well, there can be no difficulty in reconstructing the mortuary chapel with its
altar-tomb. The chapel apparently ran north and south ; its southern gable
being " blind," light was obtained from triple Tudor windows in the sides. The
hood-moulding of these windows terminated in fleur-de-lys and the character-
istic rose of the Whites. The altar, standing against the southern gable,
consisted of a table or slab which was supported in front by four
cylindrical columns on shallow bases and bearing three semi-circular arches.
Forming the reredos was the large inscribed stone with scrolls at the sides.
This supported a slab of similar size divided into three panels on which are cut
in low relief, the Virgin and Child, the Crucifixion and the Ascension respec-
tively. Crowning the whole was the deep sunk panel containing the family
arms and motto before described. On each side of the panel were placed
the classic finials which at present rest on the altar table. One third of the
inscribed slab is occupied by the sacred monogram in large interlaced text.
In the centre of this is reproduced in minute form the same monogram. It

(v) Here follows a description of the well. " There is a very excellent mineral spring and a
well which is celebrated for curing sore lips, sore eyes, the scrofula and several other chronic
diseases either by drinking or washing in the stream that issues from it. This the Roman Catholics
say was made by St. Patrick on his visit to the sacred spot and [they] attribute the healing qualities
of these impregnated waters to the power and sanctity of its patron. Thousands flock here in
summer time from all places around to pilgrimage in the stream with bare legs in order to wash
away their sins and exempt them from the burning flames of purgatory."— Monk Mason Survey of
Ireland. Parish of St. Mary's, Clonmel.

(w) Mr. William Clarke in Clonmel Chronicle^ October, 1877.

HISTORY OF CLONMEL. 267

would appear that this is a sort of heraldic way of symbolising the widow
and heir as founders. The inscription which occupies the remaining two
thirds of the stone is as follows : —

Blc 3acct D* nicolaus WDlte
Jlrtitlocrt olr Dictate constantla mansiietiidliie
et ititcoiitate monitn contplcuus et amabllls
obllt 30 die Jliiottsti Ho. DiiL 1622 ejus corpus
ex atitecettonitn capeila aiiae boreaietit lacelit
Diijtts partem retpldt lit doc momimetitiitit
ZZ die Decetnbrls Ho. Dtii« 1623 Cransiatiitit est

cujtts anlmae propitletiir Dens*

Saceiiutit Doc s. notnltil 3esu ejusaue oetitrici B* marlae Viralni
dicatutn constnixenint in perpetiiatn dicti nicolai mem-
orlatn BarDara WDlte uxor ejus vidua et Benrlcus
WDlte niius ejus et Baeres.

The White arms are carved in bold relief — a chevron engrailed between

three roses, two and one. Round the shield is stiff conventional foliage, the

tendrils pendant at the sides being wound into double true-lovers knots.

The crest is a dexter arm in armour, couped at the shoulder, grasping a

branch with three roses. Underneath in Roman letters is the motto which,

it may be observed, is divisible into two verses, a hexameter and a pentameter.

The fo